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LUIS VIVES 

EL GRAN VALENCIANO 
(1492-1540) 

BY- 
FOSTER WATSON, D.Lit. 

PROFESSOR EMERITUS OP THE UNIVERSITY COLLEGE OF WALES 
ABERYSTWYTH 

With Eight Illustrations 



OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS 
HUMPHREY MILFORD 

1922 






PRINTED IN ENGLAND 

AT THE OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS 

BY FREDERICK HALL 

>3 



LUIS V I V E S 


v 


PREFACE 

Luis Vives has often been noticed as 
the friend of Bude in France, of Erasmus 
in Flanders, and of Sir Thomas More in 
England. The object of this monograph 
is to show that he is worthy of study on 
his own account. No Spaniard up to his 
date (perhaps, indeed, not at any time in 
the past) had ever come into such friendly 
relations with the English leaders of learn- 
ing and culture on their own soil. It may 
be said that at least he ranks as high, 
educationally, as Erasmus. Probably as 
a pioneering reformer he should be placed 
higher. Though he only lived forty-eight 
years he was many-sided and had gathered 
much experience. It has been necessary, 
therefore, in this volume to emphasize only 
one important portion of his life, 1523-8 




HISPANIC NOTES 


IV 



vi 


LUIS V I V E S 




(that spent in England). This serves to 
bring into relief the literary and edu- 
cational activity which may be called the 
Age of Queen Catharine of Aragon, in 
which Luis Vives, the Yalencian, the 
Queen's compatriot, took so distinctive 
a part. 

FOSTER WATSON. 

University College of Wales, 
Aberystwyth. 
November 192 1. 


IV 


HISPANIC NOTES 



LUIS V I V E S 


vii 


CONTENTS 

PAGE 

I. The Glamour of Renascence 

Spain i 

II. The Training of Luis Vives 

in France . . , .18 

III. Luis Vives's relations to Sir 

Thomas More and Car- 
dinal Wolsey . . .34 

IV. Luis Vives in London . . 49 

V. The Age of Queen Catharine 

of Aragon . . . .64 

VI. The Fall of Queen Catharine 81 

VII. Vives, after leaving England 96 

Index in 




AND MONOGRAPHS 


IV 



viii 


LUIS V I V E S 




LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS 




i. Frontispiece (Portrait of Luis Vives, 




by Edmond de Boulonois,. 




facing title-fag. 




2. Meeting-place of the Tribunal de 




Aguas under the doorway of the 




Puerta de los Apostoles of the 




Cathedral at Valencia (from a 




photograph by Arthur Watson) 




facing p. 9 




3. Arms of the Vives family . . . 32 




4. View of Corpus Christi College (of 




Beerblocke, 1566) . . .48 




5. Thomas More (from the family group 




of Holbein) 59 




6. Queen Catharine of Aragon . .81 




7. Richmond Palace (from an old en- 




graving belonging to the Earl 




of Cardigan, published by the 




Society of Antiquaries, 1765) . 95 




8. Two signatures of Juan Luis Vives, 




1527 and ? 1 53 1 (from letters in 




the Rolls Office, London 1 . .111 


IV 


HISPANIC NOTES 

1 



AND MONOGRAPHS 




OF AMERICA 



HISPANIC 

NOTES & MONOGRAPHS 



ESSAYS, STUDIES, AND BRIEF 
BIOGRAPHIES ISSUED BY THE 
HISPANIC SOCIETY OF AMERICA 



IV 




l u is vi v i ■: s 

From the portrait by Edmond de Boulonois 



Front 



LUIS V I V E S 


I 


I 

THE GLAMOUR OF RENAS- 
CENCE SPAIN 

Two figures of the time of the Spanish 
Renascence claim special attention for 
their influence on English thought and 
culture in the reign of Henry VIII, the ill- 
fated first wife of that monarch, Catharine 
of Aragon, and her friend and adviser, the 
subject of this monograph, Juan Luis 
Vives. The two names should be more 
closely associated than has been usual, for 
these two had much in common, and par- 
ticularly, they had in the background of 
their lives the living Spanish tradition, 
in the most glorious period of the joint 
reign of Ferdinand and Isabella, when 
Spain developed into the most brilliant 
Court in Europe, the very prototype of 




AND MONOGRAPHS 


IV 

1 


2285-4 B 





2 


LUIS V I V E S 


what England was to become in the time 
of Queen Elizabeth a hundred years later, 
but the foundations of which were to be 
laid by Queen Catharine in the Court of 
King Henry VIII, from the Spanish in- 
fluence which permeated, from the time 
of her coming to England (until the 
inauspicious arrival on these shores of 
Philip II), with a discernible power never 
previously approached. 

Catharine (or Catalina) of Aragon was 
born in 1485, at Alcala, a pleasant little 
ancient town on the Henares, on the site 
of the ancient Complutum. Juan Luis 
Vives was born, in 1492, at Valencia, 
similarly dating back to Roman times, and 
in its very name Valencia, standing as the 
equivalent to the Greek 'Pw/mr], both words 
signifying ' power \ Vives was to add 
distinction to his birthplace, for he is 
known to this day, affectionately, as ' el 
gran Valenciano '. The Princess Catharine 
was, we see, his senior by seven years. 
As a child, she was brought up in the 
midst of warfare, accompanying her mother 


[V 


HISPANIC NOTES 



LUIS VI VE S 


! 
3 


in the camp-life incident to the wars with 
Moorish Granada. As Miss Strickland 
has said, ' The first objects which greeted 
her awakening intellect were the wonders 
of the Alhambra, and the exquisite bowers 
of the Generalifrl.' The Queen Isabella 
for a time herself instructed Catharine and 
her three sisters, and then had them in- 
troduced to the best learning of the 
Italians, by bringing over Alessandro and 
Antonio Geraldino, to teach them Latin. 
It was at the time when Peter Martyr was 
inspiring the young and even older Spanish 
nobility with the desire of the new know- 
ledge, and Lucio Marineo Siculo and 
many others were members of the Court, 
drawing the nobles together, and shedding 
the lustre of ' letters over the martial glory 
inherited from their ancestors'. Greatest 
of all the Italianated Spanish scholars was 
Antonio deLebrija(latinized Nebrissensis), 
who (besides other more learned works) 
wrote his Grammatica Castillana (i) in 
1492, drawn up specially for the instruc- 
tion of the ladies of the Court. The 




AND MONOGRAPHS 


IV 



B 2 



4 


LUIS VIVHS 




young Princess Catharine entered into all 
this new spirit of Renascence erudition 
and of international culture, brought into 
the Court by Spanish scholars returned 
from Italy, and by Italian teachers travel- 
ling in Spain, as well as in the general 
spirit of enterprise of an age in which the 
Moors were driven out of Spain, and the 
Spanish ships under Columbus found their 
way into the New World. All these events 
happened in that annus mirabilis, 1492. 

This was the year, too, of the birth of 
Juan Luis Vives, in a house in the Carrer 
de la taberna dell gall, in the city of the 
Cid, the city (as was said) of three hundred 
churches, Valencia, and in one of them, 
that of St. ilgnes, he was baptized. There 
was a great tradition of scholarship, espe- 
cially in law and medicine, derived from the 
time of the Moors, as far back as the eighth 
to the tenth centuries, in Valencia. Vives 
himself received direct benefit of instruc 
tion in law from a relative, Henry March, 
and from a friend of the family, a physi- 
( -ian, Juan Poblacion. This atmosphere of 


IV 


HISPANIC NOTES 



LUIS VIVES 


5 


medical knowledge, no doubt, early pre- 
pared the thoughts of Vives towards 
problems , like the training of the blind 
and the dumb, and the abnormal and 
afflicted, for whom Valencia had long 
provided special treatment. Valencia is 
justly described as 'the garden of Spain', 
and this was afterwards constantly in Vives's 
thoughts as a basis for the appeal, the 
most urgent made in his century, to ' nature- 
study '. ' Whatever is in the arts ', he 
says, ' was in Nature first, just as pearls 
are in shells, or gems in the sand.' 
The natural surroundings of Valencia 
'stirred Vives to observation. Knowledge 
thus obtained must be built up by the induc- 
tive method. He was thus Baconian, two 
generations before Francis Bacon wrote. 
Vives is the first among modern educa- 
tionists to appeal for the introduction of 
nature-observation as a method of teach- 
ing. The delight in his native Valencia 
is at the root of this conviction. Never 
did he forget the charm of varied colour, 
the delight of the senses, and the lavish 


J 


AND MONOGRAPHS 


IV 



6 


LUIS VI V E S 




plenty of the country round. To this 
day, the fruit- and flower- market of Va- 
lencia is unforgettable once seen. In one 
of his dialogues (in the volume called 
Exercilatio, written to enable boys to con- 
verse readily in Latin) : 

Scintilla says, in describing the streets of 
Valencia : Let us enter into La Plaza de la 
Fruta. 

Borgia. Or shall we say La Plaza de las 
Verzas ? 

Scintilla. The market is both . . . What a 
spaciousness, what a multitude of sellers and 
buyers . . . Gardens could hardly be thought 
to contain fruit sufficient for the supply of 
what is in this market. 

The names of the interlocutors are 
those of Valencian families In another 
dialogue one of the interlocutors is an old 
Valenci.in seller of vegetables, and it 
contains references to Valencian churches, 
a plaza, a tavern, streets, and so on. And 
yet when he wrote his Exercitatio, Vives 
had left his beloved Valencia nearly thirty 
years. 


IV 


HISPANIC NOTES 



LUIS VI VE S 


7 


Or again we can realize something of 
the depth of the remembrance of Valencia 
in a letter which he wrote twelve years 
after leaving it, when he was domiciled in 
Louvain, and to his friend, Everard de la 
Marck, Bishop of Liege, who had been 
designated to the archbishopric of Valen- 
cia, he writes, de filein caiur (in Latin) : 

The people of Valencia are 'by nature 
joyous, alert, facile, and yet tractable and 
obedient. . . . The members of the nobility 
are more numerous in that city than in any 
other, of marvellous magnificence, affability, 
and humanity. So fertile is the country 
there is almost none of the races of men, or 
any kind of fruit or vegetables or health- 
giving herbs, which it does not produce and 
pour forth in richest measure. It is so 
beautiful that there is no time in the year 
in which both the meadows and abundant 
trees are not clothed and painted with foliage, 
flowers, verdure and variety of colours. 1 
speak of my country somewhat modestly, lest 
my words should afford ground for the sus- 
picion that I was boasting.' 

And yet — Vives had left Valencia, never 




AND MONOGRAPHS 


IV 



8 


LUIS VI VE S 


J 


to return, at seventeen years of age. So 
strong and permanent are the experiences 
of youth of the impressionable type to 
which he belonged. 

One striking characteristic of Vives's 
teaching, in which he was the pioneer 
amongst the Renascence humanists, was 
the encouragement of the study and use 
of the vernacular instead of the practice, 
common to the schools in all countries of 
his times, of the restriction of teaching 
and learning to the medium of the Latin 
language only. His plea for the use of the 
mother tongue appears to have its origins in 
the remembrance of Valencia. He appeals 
to the experience of Valencia since the 
time of James the Conqueror in 1238, 
and he also shrewdly points out that since 
that time the vernacular had itself de- 
veloped, and hence the teacher ought to be 
familiar with the old forms of words, and 
the history of the development of the new 
words. All legal enactments, in the 
opinion of Vives, should be clearly ex- 
pressed in the vernacular, and revised 


IV 


HISPANIC NOTES 




M e e t i n g - p 1 a c e of the Tribunal d c A g u a s , under 

the doorway of the Puerta de los Apostolos 

of the Cathedral at Valencia 

From a photograph by Arthur Watson 



P. it 



LUIS VIVES 


9 


from time to time, to bring the language 
up to date. For every individual should 
realize exactly what is expected of him 
by legal authority. We can understand 
how Valencia gave Vives such a point 
of view, so far in advance of his times, 
when we recall that from time imme- 
morial, to this very day, the Tribunal 
de Aguas meets every Thursday morning 
in front of the Puerta de los Apostoles, of 
the Cathedral at Valencia, to adjudicate 
on all disputes connected with the irriga- 
tion system, a court necessarily conducted 
in the vernacular, and with its law pro- 
cedure and traditions all passed on in the 
mother tongue. 

Thus we see that in his educational 
views Vives was often unlike other scho- 
lars of his age, and that he found his in- 
spirations largely, though sometimes per- 
haps unconsciously, from his early life in 
Valencia. 

But not only in his native city, it was 
also in his native country, in the Spain of 
the Renascence, he found a lifelong 




AND MONOGRAPHS 


IV 



io 



IV 



LUIS VI V ES 



radiance of stimulus, of hopeful outlook, 
and of persistent colour of a culture \yhich 
combined the old Moorish arts of civiliza- 
tion and the new vigorous attitude to life 
and thought of a united Aragon and 
Castile. 

Strangely mixed were the old and the 
new, in the life of Valencia, when Vives 
was a boy at school there. We think more 
frequently of the Italian names of Pico, 
Valla, Ficinus, Politian, Bembo, Sadolet, or 
the northern names of Rudolph Agricola, 
Reuchlin,Melanchthon,and the great Eras- 
mus. But, of real significance (though 
often overlooked by students of the Re- 
nascence period), were the Spanish scholars, 
such as Arias Barbosa, pupil of the Italian 
Politian who taught at Salamanca, and par- 
ticularly Antonio of Lebrija (1441 ?-i522) 
or Antonius Nebrissensis. who had spent 
twenty years in Italy,and had lectured in suc- 
cession at Seville, Salamanca, and Alcala 
Let it not be forgotten that it was at 
Alcala, the University of which, estab- 
lished about A.n. 1500, was fondly called 



HISPANIC NOTES 



LUIS VI VE S 


1 1 


by Spaniards c the eighth wonder of the 
world ', that the great polyglot Bible, 
directed by Cardinal Jimenez, with its 
monumental scholarship, was compiled, 
by a company of scholars, mainly Spanish 
by birth, and certainly all Spanish in 
learned atmosphere. Jimenez conceived 
the idea of this co-operative undertaking 
in 1502, and the scholars were only able 
to complete the first volume containing 
the New Testament in 15 14, after twelve 
years of labour (2). Four volumes devoted 
to the Old Testament were issued by 151 7. 
It was from such examples of indefatigable 
toil that Vives, afterwards, at Lou vain, in 
1522, completed his own ponderous 
volume of text and commentaries of 
St. Augustine's de Civitate Dei. Such 
work as that of the Polyglot fascinated 
the scholars, young and old, and Vives 
was at the School or Academy of Valencia 
in the years immediately before 1508, 
whilst Jimenez's scholars were at work. 
For the Spanish Renascence, in its stride, 
established or strengthened a number of 




AND MONOGRAPHS 


IV 



12 



LUIS VIVES 



classical schools, (2) e.g. that at Toledo 
was founded by Francisco Alvar ; that of 
Sevilla by Roderigo de San Aelia ; that of 
Granada by Talavera, Archbishop of Gra- 
nada ; that of Ognate by Mercato, Bishop 
of Avila; Ossuna by Giron, Count of 
Urena ; and Valencia, refounded by Pope 
Alexander VI. The Valencian School, in 
its intellectual and literary traditions, goes 
back to 1245, in the reign of the famous 
James I of Aragon, ' El Conquistador '. 

Vives entered the school soon after it 
had received its new Statutes, in 1499, in 
all the consciousness of a revived past. 
His schoolmaster was Jerome Amiguet. 
The fame of Antony of Lebrija had 
reached, one might say had invaded, 
Valencia, and his reformed views of 
grammar teaching were supported, in 
that city, by Peter Badia. It is said 
that Amiguet set the boy Vives exercises 
in the routine disputations of the school, 
to oppose Lebrija's grammar, and the 
loyal boy had no hesitation in warmly 
espousing the side his master took. Thus 



IV HISPANIC NOTES 



LUIS VI VES 


»3 


Vives first appears as a reactionary 
against the new learning. Spain, as indeed 
all countries of the time, was divided 
between intellectual reactionary and re- 
volutionary scholars, and Vives, in his 
life, is an excellent representative of the 
Renascence scholar, for he ran through 
the whole gamut of progressiveness, start- 
ing at the very bottom. It was not to be 
long before Vives recognized that Lebrija 
was right and Amiguet wrong, and he then 
rendered full justice to the reformer. If 
his school-teachers were conservative, it 
is well to note that there were other forces 
at work in the city. For instance, Valencia 
was the first Spanish town to start a 
printing-press. 

One other Valencian influence remains to 
be mentioned. Vives belonged to a noble 
family. His father, also named Luis Vives, 
was a Vives de Vergel or Verger, whose 
coat of arms was a stalk of immortelles in 
the midst of an orchard in a field of azure, 
with the device : Siempre vivas. His 
mother, Blanche March, was a remarkable 




AND MONOGRAPHS 


IV 



14 


LUIS V I V E S 




wife and mother, of the type of a Roman 
matron, belonging to the family which 
gave to Catalonia the national poet, Ausias 
March. Though both parents died whilst 
Luis was young, their influence was 
treasured by him throughout his life. 
He says of his mother that there was 
no one of whom he had so wholesome 
an awe when he was a child, and nobody 
he delighted so much to look upon as a 
youth and as a man, ' whose memory now 
I have in reverence, and as oft as she 
comes to my remembrance, I embrace 
her in my mind, when I cannot with 
my body ', and he much shocked more 
phlegmatic scholars when he named her 
with Agnes, Agatha, Margaret, Monica, 
amongst the saints, moved to so include 
her by ' the truth '. The household 
was of the mediaeval type of family life. 
In many ways Vives was in a transitional 
world, between the mediaeval and the 
modern ages, and marvellously moving 
readily from one to the other, in his 
ceaseless response to the best in both. 


IV 


II I S P A X I C NOT E S 



LUIS V I V E S 


15 


With these Spanish elements permeating 
his whole nature, for they had been in- 
grained in his impressionable and re- 
sponsive youth, at seventeen years of age 
he left his beloved country for Paris, about 
to enter the world of intellectual claims 
which know no country, and the response 
to which becomes the cynosure of the 
best souls of all nationalities. This does 
not mean he left Spain behind. Vives is 
remarkable in that he never left his experi- 
ences behind. He never turned his back 
on himself. He became a cosmopolitan, 
but he took his Spanish foundations, tra- 
ditions, atmosphere with him wherever he 
went, and transfigured old and new experi- 
ences with the richest spirit of humanism. 

The Princess Catharine, born, we re- 
member, in 1485, left Spain, to be married 
to the English Arthur, Prince of Wales, 
who died a few months after marriage, in 
1502. In 1509 she was married to 
Arthur's brother, Henry VIII. Catharine 
became Queen-Consort of England from 
1509 onwards, and had remained entirely 




AND MONOGRAPHS 


IV 



i6 


LUIS V I V E S 


/ 


in England from 1502 to 1523, when 
Luis Vives cam^ to London, and the 
Queen and hdp^ompatriot first met. 
During those fvtirteen years in which 
Catharine had been Queen the youthful 
Spanish background of experience in the 
brilliant l^ourt of her parents contributed 
its influence to the intellectual side of 
Henry VlII's Court. In the meantime 
Luis Vives was gathering knowledge and 
experience, and developing a cosmopolitan 
transfiguration, in his Spanish heritage 
of though and life. Different as their 
courses of experiences were to be, they 
were ready to understand each other, for 
both were Spaniards at heart. Com- 
patriots and friends by both agreements 
and differences in disposition, the greatest 
shadow of Vives's life was when he had 
to separate himself from his Spanish 
royal friend. His connexion with England 
is all bound up with the changing fortunes 
of Catharine. 

It was a strange coincidence, the leaving 
of their native Spain, of these two— the 


IV 


HISPANIC NOTES 



LUIS V I V E S 



princess ot the royal family and the son of 
a noble family — each in Aftut the seven- 
teenth year of age, each JHpe a factor, in 
some not inconsiderable^^gree, in the 
progress of English education syid culture. 
The misfortune which was overwhelming 
the one was to involve the other. Smarting 
from Spain, with some glow of hop\ v for 
a future career elsewhere, both were \o 
find the critical catastrophe at the Englisfi 
Court, where, on the whole, both had en- 
joyed the highest exercise of they: intel 
lectual activities and social enerd<fe. 



AND MONOGRAPHS 



IV 



j8 



v/ 



IV 



LUIS V I V E S 



II 

THE TRAINING OF LUIS VIVES 
IN FRANCE 

The absorbing basis of the mediaeval 
scholastic discipline was the disputation. 
'When a boy is brought to school', says 
Vives, describing the schools of his age, 
' on the very first day, immediately he is 
taught to wrangle, though as yet unable to 
talk. Thesame practice is followed in gram- 
mar, in the poets, in history,in dialectic and 
rhetoric, in every subject. Nothing is so 
clear that some bit of a question cannot 
be raised about it, and, even as by a wind, be 
stirred into action. Beginners are accus- 
tomed never to be silent, to asseverate con- 
fidently, never to be silent, lest at any 
time they should seem to have ceased 
speaking. At breakfast they wrangle ; 



HISPANIC NOTES 



LUIS V I V E S 


19 


after breakfast they wrangle ; at supper 
they wrangle ; after supper they wrangle. 
At meals, at the bath, in the sweating- 
room, in the temple, in the city, in the 
country, in public, in private, in every 
place, at every time, they are wrangling.' 
A boy was practised in disputing on 
grammatical questions, beginning his 
career of altercation, and death alone 
making an end of it for the scholar. 

Such is the vivid description of school 
life by Vives himself. The University 
courses at Paris provided further oppor- 
tunity for permeating the student in the 
same atmosphere. It was Erasmus and 
Vives who burst through the mists and 
fogs of scholastic disputation into the 
sunshine of humanism, and the joy of 
noble literature. Erasmus says of Vives 
that whilst he was in bondage to these 
subtle but infantile disciplines of scho- 
lasticism, ' no one played his part as sophist 
better than he '. The tortuous and elabo- 
rate windings of wordy disputation at 
Paris were in direct continuity to the 


J 


AND MONOGRAPHS 


IV 



C 2 



20 



L U IS V I V E S 

school discipline of Valencia, in spite of 
the new light bursting in on the old 
classical literature, from the Italian, and, 
let us add, the Spanish Renascence. The 
saving of Vives was the persistence of the 
out-of-schoollife, in theenjoyment of nature. 
For in the midst of the Paris studies, full 
of sound and fury as dialectical displays, 
came the restful memories of the sense- 
impressions of his Valencian childhood, 
which became transfigured into the ma- 
terial of the later intellectual conceptions 
of the man. For the greater the intel- 
lectual ability of any man, the greater 
the probability that he has pondered over, 
and become permeated by the sense-im- 
pressions of the external world, as a child. 
Mediaevalism, with its ascetic types, 
turned the whole current of life and 
thought into scholastic impression, intellect 
became synonymous with logical and meta- 
physical categories. It was as if subject- 
matter for thought were of no conse- 
quence. The modern world found a 
new unity, that of impression, and com- 



IV 



II I S P A X I C X O T E S 



LUIS V I V E S 



bined it with expression. But we do not 
always realize how true is the Words- 
worthian dictum that the ' child is father 
of the man ' in, say, Shakespeare. The 
deepest impressions welcomed into the 
mind from outward nature do not lead to 
the highest expression of them in terms 
of thought at the moment of reception, 
through the senses. Within the signifi- 
cance of this process lies the whole art of 
education, and no one who looks at it from 
this point of view can fail to perceive that 
much of the process in the individual is 
bound to be self-education, and that the 
institutional education (often supposed to 
be the all-important influence of life) 
should have for chief aim the removal of 
all fetters and restrictions to the direct 
experience of the best in man, and the 
best in nature. And so, behind the for- 
mal studies and curriculum of the Uni- 
versity of Paris, and in the end more 
powerful than all the instructional institu- 
tionalism, were in Vives the vivid and 
active, though subconscious, images of 



AND MONOGRAPHS 



! 


LUIS V I V E S 




Valencian huerta and market, of the rich 
colouring and the beautiful outlines of 
fruit, food, and flowers, in other words, of 
that contemplative love of nature which 
gives life and meaning to sense-memories, 
which, throughout life, enters, bidden and 
unbidden, into the study of imagination. 
This is the point of view which, once 
grasped by Vives, made early disputa- 
tional education seem to him to be inane 
and futile. It was Vives, with his early 
Valencian background, and not even 
Erasmus, at any rate not so emphati- 
cally (with his early conventional training), 
who entered into this new outlook with 
such educational energy and purpose as 
in religion would be designated as a con- 
version. 

Whilst these early nature experiences 
in his Valencian boyhood were in the 
depths of his mind, his Spanish descent 
was not all gain. For, though the best of 
Spanish leaders of the time deserve more 
recognition than they have often received 
at the other end of the scale, Spanish 


IV 


HISPANIC NOT E S 



LUIS V I V E S 


*3 


intellectual (if they deserve the term at 
all) reactionaries, were amongst the most 
hopeless in their utter stagnation of 
mediaevalism, at Paris, as elsewhere. 
With his devotion to his own Spain and 
Spaniards, Vives at first closely associated 
with the Spanish element in the Univer- 
sity. At Paris, Spanish lecturers (instruc- 
tion, of course, was in Latin) w T ere well 
represented. There w T as, for example, 
Juan de Celaya, a Valencian, at the Col- 
lege of Sainte-Barbe. The learned Coro- 
neles from Segovia were at the Montaigu 
(Erasmus's old college), Juan Dolz del 
Castellar was at the College de Lyon, and 
Ferdinand de Enzinas, of Valladolid, was 
at the College de Beauvais. To which 
college Vives was attached is not certain, 
but Vanden Bussche (an authority who is 
exacting towards himself in forming his 
opinions) thinks he was probably a student 
at this College de Beauvais. But every- 
where the teaching staffs adopted the same 
methods. For there was a deadening 
monotony of attitude, all going about with 


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LUIS VIVES 



IV 



their eyes (intellectually) bandaged. Their 
methods included the choosing of short 
passages, or short texts, from recognized 
theologians and metaphysicians, the repro- 
duction of seas of commentaries and 
glosses regarding the chosen ' texts '. 
Teachers and students were soon involved 
in ' realitates ', ' formalitates ', ' entitates ', 
' de modo significandi vocum '. All these 
details and many more are described in 
Vives's work, de Causis Corruptarum 
Artium i 1531 (one of the divisions of the 
De disdplinis\ and in the earlier in pseudo- 
diatecticos, 15 19, which we shall presently 
have to consider. 

Vives, for Easter Day, 15 14, whilst still 
a student, produced his first booklet, which 
was of a religious tendency, Christi Jesu 
Triumphus. In it we are especially fortu- 
nate to have a description of a gathering 
of student friends, chiefly Spanish. Vives 
relates how he and his friends agreed, after 
religious devotions at church, to spend the 
afternoon together. Later, their tutor, a 
Spaniard, Caspar Lax, invites them to 

II I S P A N I C N O T E S 



LUIS V I V E S 


25 


meet, at supper, two fellow citizens of 
Valencia, who bring an illuminated Book 
of Hours. Vives examines a miniature, 
depicting the Triumph of Caesar. Caspar 
Lax remarks : ' How much more excellent 
if the subject had been Christ, our Optimus 
Maximus, instead of Caesar, "a man by 
no means good" !' Vives then asks Lax 
to explain what he means by the ' triumph 
of Christ '. 

This first book of Vives is in dialogue 
form, not unlike the method of the famous 
gatherings of the Italian humanists in 
the villas below Fiesole or at the ducal 
Court of Urbino or of Mantua. Vives has 
begun to enter into the atmosphere of 
the Italian Renascence, in spite of his 
scholastic training. The difference, how- 
ever, is more striking than the resem- 
blance. Instead of the noble banquets of 
the rich South, we meet with the little cu- 
biculum of Caspar Lax, the tutor of Vives. 
Instead of princes or nobles we are pre- 
sented to a gathering of young Spanish 
students at Paris, including Peter Iborra, 


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LUIS V I V E S 



Miguel de San Angel, Francisco Cristo- 
bal, and Caspar Lax, who came from 
Sarinena, in Aragon. The only guest, not 
Spanish, present was John Fortis (or 
Sterck), a student-friend of Vives, who 
came from Louvain. Instead of the pagan 
colouring of the Florentine philosophical 
banquets, this little Spanish academic 
gathering at Paris is almost primitive 
Christian in its supper in the little room, 
and the keenness of its interest in the 
Triumph of the Prince of Peace, as against 
the Caesar of War. It is of great interest 
to note that Vives has become disillu- 
sioned. The Spanish group of students 
and teachers at Paris are ' like a band of 
unconquered men, defending the citadel 
of ignorance'. The youth of Paris are 
taught ' to know nothing and yet to rave 
with a mad fury of words '. From this 
sweeping criticism he excepts the Spanish 
Juan Poblacidn and Juan de Enzinas. 

Vives is distressed at the sorry figures 
the rest of his Spaniards cut before the 
best of the cultured world. He is not only 



H I S P A NIC N O T E S 



LUIS V I VE S 




wounded in his patriotism, but also per- 
plexed what action to take in helping to 
remedy the faults of these scholastic 
Spaniards. He became attracted away 
from the Italian Renascence, though he 
recognized the worth of Beroald, Girolamo 
Balbi, Cornelio Vitelli, and the progres- 
sive though too ostentatious prominence of 
Faustus Andrelinus, at Paris. But neither 
the Spanish nor the Italian academic 
leaders really attracted him. On the 
whole, whilst a student, and indeed after- 
wards, the Flemish scholars and scholar- 
ship counted the most with Luis Vives. He 
reverenced the severer, simpler, and abso- 
lutely sincere religious attitude and human 
sympathies of the Flemish scholars. In 
the spirit of his life, he might well have 
belonged to the leading Flemish educa- 
tionists, the Brethren of the Common 
Life, with the noble tradition of Thomas 
a Kempis behind them. He had a large 
measure of their simple, fervent piety and 
unaffected love of knowledge. And to 
these characteristics Vives added an open- 


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LUIS V I V E S 




mindedness, due specially to his enter- 
prising birthplace, Valencia, with its active 
law-courts, merchants' hall, its myriad- 
coloured market-place, and the double 
currents of Catalan traditions and of 
Arabic culture, besides the ancient asso- 
ciations with Rome, which traced back to 
a Spanish-born Seneca and Quintilian. 
Nor were the Flemish scholars, eventually, 
without some sound sense of Vives's intel- 
lectual ancestry, in bestowing on him the 
name of ' the second Quintilian '. Such 
antecedents brought Vives very near to 
the great and distinctive Flemish scholars, 
Robert Gaguin, Arnold de Bost, Pierre 
Burry, Pierre de Ponte, and that pathetic 
figure, Charles Fernand of Bruges, who, 
though himself blind, wrote the touching 
Latin treatise, de Animi Tranquillitate. 

When Vives left Paris in 1514 he went 
to Flanders, first to Bruges, afterwards to 
Louvain. Nowhere out of Spain itself 
could he have found more of the Spanish 
spirit and thought, especially on the active 
and practical side of life. Seiior Pin y 


IV 


HISPANIC NOTES 



LUIS VI VE S 



Soler well says, ' Bruges, Brussels, Ghent, 
Antwerp, Louvain, were prolongations of 
the Fatherland of Spain, and especially 
Bruges.' At Bruges Vives was soon on 
terms of intimacy with Bernard Valdaura 
and his wife, Clara Cervent, both Spaniards 
by descent, whose daughter, Margaret, 
Vives, later on, married. Valdaura's wife 
descended from a Valencian family. At 
Bruges occurred the meeting of Vives 
with the Spanish Ignatius Loyola, coming 
between 1528 and 1534 to collect alms 
from his Spanish compatriots there. 

Though indications of the change in 
Vives's attitude towards scholasticism are 
to be seen in the Christi Jesu Triumphus 
in 1514, the actual cataclysmic break came 
in the In psendo-dialecticos in 15 19, and is 
also associated with Paris. In that year 
Vives returned from Flanders, and de- 
livered his whole soul in that remarkable 
book, a book written in Latin and never 
translated into English. Sir Henry Taylor 
said ' the world knows nothing of its 
greatest men '. So it might, with some 



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LUIS VIVES 



gleam of truth, be said that the world 
knows little of its greatest era-marking 
books. 

This trenchant attack on the scholastic 
reactionaries is a companion-volume to 
Erasmus's Moriae Encomium, the Praise 
of Folly, published eight years earlier. 
Erasmus's book is a masterpiece of satire ; 
but equally Vives's book, though neglected, 
is a masterpiece of educational invective. 
Vives is in grim earnest — a youth of 
twenty-seven years of age, in the recoil from 
the weariness of the methods which held 
him in fetters at Valencia and as a student 
at Paris : ' I received them into my mind, 
when I was impressionable. I applied 
myself to them with the highest zeal 
They stick tenaciously. They came into 
my mind against my will. They stupefy 
my mind just as I am reaching forward to 
better things.' What would one not give, 
he cries out, to un-teach them from one's 
mind — money, clothes, books, any material 
commodity ! 

In the in ftseudo-diakcticos we see Vives 



IV 



HISPANIC NOTES 



LUIS VI VES 



in the act of throwing authority aside. 
It is like Luther proclaiming his theses at 
Wittenberg, or Copernicus affirming the 
motion of the earth. Vives is an intel- 
lectual Caesar crossing the Rubicon from 
the mediaeval to the modern era of thought. 
It is surely a supreme moment, and his 
book is worthy of recognition, side by side 
with Erasmus and his Moriae Encomium. 

With the clear-sightedness of an inde- 
pendent thinker Vives points out that the 
incessant dialectic, or logic, is not an art, 
to be learned as an end in itself, but it is 
truly an instrument, an organon. It is a 
servant only. 

He drives his point home : 

'Who could tolerate the painter occupying 
the whole of his life in preparing his brush, 
and mixing his pigments, or the cobbler 
spending his life in sharpening his needles, 
his awls, and his knives, and twisting and 
smearing his threads ? If this expenditure 
of time would be intolerable over good logic, 
what language is adequate to designate that 
babbling which has corrupted every branch 
of knowledge.' 



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LUIS V I V E S 



In one passage he says that if the 
corrupt Latin used by the academic 
disputants was translated into the ordinary 
vernacular the whole host of manual 
workmen, ' with hissing and clamour and 
the clanging of tools, would hoot the 
dialecticians out of Paris '. This is the 
first appeal that I know of away from 
the learned scholars to the working-man, 
to the common-sense of the man in the 
street, and manifests a democratic atti- 
tude, which the young Spanish aristocrat 
by birth was to develop further when he 
came to England. 

Vives had the prophet's inspiring vision 
in such a passage as : 

' I see from the depths a change is coming. 
Amongst all the nations men are springing 
up, of clear, excellent and free intellects, 
impatient of servitude, determined to thrust 
off the yoke of this tyranny from their necks. 



They are calling 
libertv.' 



their fellow-citizens to 



But, buoyant as such a passage is, there; 
was pathos and suffering for the reformer 



HISPANIC NOTES 




ARMS OF THE VIVES FAMILY 



P. 32 







LUIS V I VE S 


33 


1 1 recognized I was changing the old for 
the new, what I had already acquired in 
the way of knowledge for what had yet to 
be won, what was secured for what was 
uncertain.' He describes the intellectual 
anxiety, and the consequent nights of 
sleeplessness during his mental struggles. 

' The change was so odious to me that often 
I turned away from the thought of the better 
humanist studies to my old scholastic studies, 
so that I might persuade myself that I had 
not spent so many years at Paris to no good 
purpose.' 

The treatise was of extraordinary effect, 
in dividing Paris into the party of human- 
ists and the party of the old paths. 
Erasmus wrote to Sir Thomas More, in 
England, with admiring frankness : ' Vives 
is one who will overshadow the name of 
Erasmus. 5 The latter had reached fifty- 
five years of age. The young reformer 
was, we have seen, but twenty- seven years 
old. 


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LUIS V I VE S 




III 

LUIS VIVES'S RELATIONS TO 

SIR THOMAS MORE AND 

CARDINAL WOLSEY 

Luis Vives had written other books 
besides the hi pseudo-dialecticos by 15 19, 
and his writings had received the dis- 
tinction of being forwarded to Thomas 
More for his opinion. The latter, in 
answer, declared : 'I am ashamed of 
myself and of others with like advantages, 
who take credit to themselves for this or 
that insignificant booklet, when I see 
a young man like Vives producing so 
many well- digested works.' Erasmus, in 
this same year 1519, suggested Vives's 
name as tutor for Ferdinand, brother of 
the Emperor Charles V, and stated 
1 I hardly know any one I would dare to 


IV 


H I S PAN I C NOTES 



LUIS V I V E S 


35 


match with him. When he declaims, you 
would think his subject-matter had its 
source in those most happy times of 
Cicero and Seneca.' Erasmus adds that 
Vives was ' Spanish with a fine strain Of 
French in him, through having lived some 
years in Paris'. By 1521 it is clear that 
Thomas More had befriended Vives 
financially, and it is at this date that 
Queen Catharine also first helped Vives, 
though Vives had as yet met neither 
More nor the Queen-consort. 

In political history readers are familiar 
with the famous meeting of the Emperor 
Charles V and Cardinal Wolsey at Bruges, 
in August 152 1. There was a great con- 
course of important diplomatists, and 
of other notable people. One of the 
most picturesque figures must have been 
Ferdinand Colon (Columbus), son of 
Christopher Columbus, the discoverer of 
the New World. Ferdinand Colon had 
been at Louvain, where Erasmus presented 
him with a copy of his Antibarbarorum liber. 
For Ferdinand Colon's mission to Flanders 


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[ 

3* 


LUIS V I V E S 




was the collection of manuscripts and 
books, old and new, for his great library 
at Sevilla. But besides the political 
meeting which brought to Bruges such 
distinguished Englishmen as Wolsey, 
Cuthbert Tunstall, and William Blount, 
Lord Mountjoy, the pupil and patron of 
Erasmus, it is not often remembered that 
there was a remarkable literary conference 
of scholars gathered together, at the same 
time, in the hospitable quarters of Mar- 
cus Laurinus, dean of the convent of 
St. Donatian's at Bruges. This gathering 
is an interesting instance of the inter- 
national goodwill of scholars, and the 
central advantage of Bruges, in the inter- 
change of thought. Here, especially, 
English, Spanish,, and French came into 
contact. Here in all probability was 
Vives's first introduction to some of the 
leading English scholars, particularly Sir 
Thomas More. Vives was on his own 
ground, for though he had been writing at 
Louvain, and had been in close converse 
with Erasmus there, he had had a nervous 


IV 


HISPANIC NOTES 



LUIS VI V E S 



breakdown, and had retreated to Bruges, 
living in a house comfortably furnished and 
placed at his disposal by Pedro de Aguirra, 
a Spanish compatriot of Vives, who 
took care of him like a father. Recover- 
ing slowly from his illness, attracted by 
kindnesses already shown to him by 
English people, stirred by the patronage 
already extended to him by Queen Catha- 
rine of Aragon, Vives felt drawn to the 
thought of England as a home. We can 
easily understand that Vives and Thomas 
More had much in common. At this 
time, Vives was engaged on editing the 
Latin of the Civitas Dei of St. Augustine, 
together with comprehensive commen- 
taries. This most laborious work, under- 
taken at the request of Erasmus, with 
hope of the keenly desired reward — that, 
as the result of his toil, he might win the 
appreciation of that great prince of the 
literary world — had been the cause of 
the breakdown already mentioned. After 
the Bruges literary gathering, Vives set to 
work to complete the task. But it is worth 



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IV 



LUIS VI VES 



while to recall the fact that Thomas More 
himself had lectured (3)011 St. Augustine's 
Civitas Dei, in the Church of St. Lawrence, 
Old Jewry, in London, and the younger 
man would be fortified by his sympathy, 
for More, as every one knows, had a genius 
for friendship. On July 7, 1522, Vives had 
finished his great enterprise, and his 
attraction towards England was finally 
betokened in his massive work, by a 
long Latin dedication of the folio- 
volume to King Henry VIII. In his 
dedication, he says to the king, at the 
time thirty-one years of age (a year older 
than Vives), ' He who should offer you 
gold, silver, or gems, garments, horses or 
armour, would be pouring water into thesea 
With the highest wisdom you think that 
that kind of glory which best becomes 
your virtue is purchased with all pos- 
terity by books and monuments of learned 
men, to whom you show yourself so 
affable and gracious.' This recognition of 
Henry VIII's appreciation of learning, is, 
we know from other sources, to be regarded 



HISPANIC NOTES 



LUIS VI VE S 



as one of the complex factors of that 
monarch's personality. His answer to 
Vives was not sent for full six months (4). 
It was, of course, in Latin, and its 
cordiality must have been a great en- 
couragement to Vives : 

' Worthy Sir, our well-beloved friend. As 
soon as S. Augustine's Civitas Dei came to 
our hands, illuminated by your Commen- 
taries, it was right welcome. It, indeed, 
raised the doubt within us, whom we should 
chiefly congratulate, whether, firstly, you, who 
have brought to a close, by such learned 
labour, so choice a work ; or, secondly, 
S. Augustine, who has been for so long a 
time, so imperfectly accessible, and who now 
at last is brought from darkness to light, 
restored to his ancient integrity ; or thirdly. 
all posterity, for whose great profit your 
Commentaries are now at hand. Since it 
has pleased you to dedicate those Commen- 
taries to our name, we cannot but retain a 
grateful mind, and return you our warm 
thanks ; especially as your kind attention 
shows no ordinary love and observance to- 
wards us. For which reasons, we can assure 
you that our favour a?td good-will shall 



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4o 


LUIS VI VE S 




never fail in your affairs, whe?iever oppor- 
tunity shall offer itself on our part to be of 
helpfulness to you. From our Court at 
Greenwich, 24 Jan. 1523.' 

What wonder that Luis Vives, weary with 
his struggling fortunes in Flanders, turned 
towards the sunlight of the Royal Court 
in England, with eager eyes. The only 
competing attraction was Spain, and 
though his native country had been also 
in his mind, his return thither proved un- 
practicable. 

Thus assured of King Henry VIII's 
good will, and knowing from experience 
the kind and practical interest in his 
welfare of the Spanish Queen Catharine, 
and having good reason for believing the 
powerful Wolsey and the benevolent 
Thomas More would welcome him in 
their midst, Luis Vives came to England 
in 1523, with the uncommon record of 
Spanish bringing-up, French training in 
scholarship, and Flemish experience in 
authorship, and the close association with 
the nationless humanist, the uncrowned 


IV 


HISPANIC NOTES 



LUIS V I V E S 



president of the republic of letters, 
Erasmus. 

The Spanish internationalist was warmly 
welcomed in England. The King and the 
Queen at once entrusted the direction of 
the teaching of their daughter, the princess 
Mary, jointly to Vives and the distinguished 
physician - humanist, Thomas Linacre, 
friend of Erasmus and Thomas More. 
Vives drew up a plan of girls' education 
for the young princess. He then devised 
a plan of boys' education, dedicated to 
Charles, the son of the William Blount 
Lord Mountjoy (pupil and friend of 
Erasmus), whom he had met at the literary 
assembly at Bruges. 

Before reaching England Vives had 
dedicated a book on women's educa- 
tion (5) to Queen Catharine. The Instruc- 
tion of a Christian Woman, as it was 
called in the English translation by 
Richard Hyrde, was not published (6) till 
in or about 1540. Indirectly this work 
illustrates the intimate association of Luis 
Vives with Thomas More, and furnishes 



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LUIS V I VE S 




some details which are not as yet com- 
monly known. Richard Hyrde, the trans- 
lator, was a young Oxford man, of Greek 
and Latin learning, ' and experience of 
physic', who died on Lady Day, 1528, at 
Orvieto, on the way with Fox and 
Gardiner to the Pope, in furtherance of a 
mission from Henry VIII. Hyrde's name 
has probably been obscured in the bio- 
graphies of Thomas More, by receiving 
the spelling of Richard ' Harte '. Any- 
way, before undertaking the papal mission 
Hyrde, in 1524, had been dwelling in the 
house of Thomas More, at Chelsea. As 
Vives's de Insiitutione Foeminae Christianae 
was published at Antwerp in 1524, we 
can infer that Hyrde wrote his transla- 
tion some time between 1524-8. His 
English preface relates how intently he 
had wished to render this book available 
for English readers, and how he ' secretly ' 
made the translation. He then showed 
it, as his custom was on finishing any 
work, to his 'singular good master and 
bringer-up, Sir Thomas More ', who 


IV 


HISPANIC NOTES 



I 

LUIS VI VES 


43 


informed him — to Hyrde's great surprise 
— that he (More) had intended, ' his mani- 
fold business notwithstanding, to have 
translated this book himself, in which he 
was (as he said) very glad he was now 
prevented (7), not for eschewing of his 
labour, which he would have been very 
glad to bestow therein, but for because 
that the fruit thereof may now sooner 
come forth '. They struck a compromise. 
Hyrde's translation was to stand, but 
Thomas More would and did 'read it 
over and correct it '. Gregorius Majansius. 
the first biographer of Vives, says that 
Queen Catharine valued the work so 
highly that she had it paid for from the 
Royal Treasury. 

Honoured at Court, and befriended by 
Thomas More, Luis Vives had not been 
forgotten by the great Cardinal Wolsey, 
who had just founded six lectureships at 
Oxford, to one of which he at once ap- 
pointed Vives. Rooms were allocated to 
him in Corpus Christi College, the college 
in which the founder, Bishop Fox, had 


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LUIS V I V E S 



required in his Statutes that lectureships 
should be opened to foreigners as well as 
Englishmen. Vives does not appear to 
have lectured at Oxford for more than 
part of two or three years, but he was 
associated with the Royal Court at Rich- 
mond and Greenwich during the whole of 
his residence in England. He had also 
his own rooms near the Tower of London. 
During the years 1523-8 he spent a portion 
of each year in Bruges, a fact natural 
enough when it is remembered that he 
married Margaret Valdaura (8), of that 
city, in 1524. 

At Oxford Vives met a Flemish noble, 
Louis de Flandre, Seigneur de Praet, who 
induced him to write the de Consultatione, 
a short treatise on rhetoric. Ben Jonson 
afterwards lavishly availed himself of pas- 
sages from this treatise of Vives without 
any acknowledgement, in his Timber; 
or Discoveries made upon Men and 
Matter. At Oxford, too, in 1523, Vives 
translated, into Latin from the Greek, the 
Areopagitica and the Nicocles, two orations 



HISPANIC NOTES 



LUIS V I V E S 


45 


of Isocrates, and dedicated his translation 
to Cardinal Wolsey, ' from whom ', he 
says, ' I have never come away empty- 
handed {indonatusy \ and whose kindness 
and good will to students are ' incredible '. 
He makes a report to Wolsey on his 
teaching work at Oxford, the youth of 
Oxford are more inclined daily to ' good 
letters \ In philosophy he has helped, he 
adds, to remove many firavas ofiiniones, 
a remark which shows that Vives found 
the old Parisian scholasticism not without 
witness at Oxford. It was from Oxford 
he dedicated the Plan of Girls' Education, 
for the use of the little Mary, then a child 
of seven years. From this fact, probably, 
has sprung the ungrounded tradition that 
he continuously taught the child, and, for 
the same reason, the quite unestablished 
story has sometimes gained acceptance, 
that Henry VIII and Queen Catharine 
journeyed to Oxford to attend his lectures. 
Vives was a many-sided man ; in his 
own time and after he was called by the 
old-world term, a ' polymath '. This may 




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LUIS V I VES 



be illustrated in connexion with his Oxford 
lectures. He was lecturer in rhetoric, or in 
classical literature, for the humanists gladly 
identified their subject-matter with rhetoric, 
to escape the ignominy of being, by any 
chance, identified with mediaeval logic- 
teaching, rhetoric clearly being the one of 
the old seven ' liberal arts ' which seemed 
to be associated with great literature, for 
which they cared supremely. For Vives, 
rhetoric was no narrowly restricted subject. 
No one, however, would expect to find the 
Spanish Luis Vives breaking up ground in 
British Antiquities, a subject far removed, 
it might be supposed, from 'rhetoric'. 
But John Tvvyne wrote an out-of-the-way 
book on British antiquities (9), in which 
he relates imaginary conversations he used 
to have with Abbot Vochius, and Prior 
Digon, of the Augustinian Monastery near 
Canterbury, before the Dissolution of the 
Monasteries. Digon. apparently, and a 
young man, Nicholas Wotton, had been 
pupils of Vives, and are among the inter- 
locutors. Vochius quotes Vives on the 



IV 1 HISPANIC NOTES 



LUIS VI VE S 


47 


question of the trade voyages of the 
Phoenicians to Britain, and is represented 
as saying that by their introduction of 
covetous and contentious ways in Spain, 
the Phoenicians were the initiators of 
1 the present and future miseries ' of that 
country. Then Vives continued, ' I have 
in mind the writing of a book in Latin on 
what the Latin and Greek historians say 
on subjects of Spanish history and thus 
I intend to illustrate Spanish historical 
origins'. This book, unfortunately, was 
never written, but the quotation serves to 
show how constantly Spain was in the back- 
ground of his thoughts, even in England, 
and how he sought to bring to bear on 
historical questions, generally, the concen- 
tration of mind and methods of inquiry 
restricted by most scholars to matters 
solely concerned with Greek and Roman 
history. Twyne gives an account of an 
interesting talk of Vives on the subject of 
Merlin, and the whole treatise suggests 
the spirit and methods which Vives had 
suggested to the mind of John Twyne, 




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LUIS V I V E S 




stimulated thus in the direction of British 
national archaeology, of which subject; 
Twyne was one of the effective founders' 
in England. 

'I myself, says Twyne, 'knew Vives, 
honoured him and heard him lecturing on 
authors, whilst he abode in the sacred 
College of Corpus Christi, at Oxford '. 
Among the bonds which should link the 
Spanish Luis Vives to England and the 
English, not the least is the influence he 
exercised on John Twyne, who, with his 
sons Thomas and Lawrence and his 
grandson Brian, were the pioneers in the 
inquiries into English historical origins, 
by nearly half a century, before William 
Camden, John Speed, and the famous 
efforts of the Assembly of the Antiquaries, 
a society founded by Matthew Parker, 
Archbishop of Canterbury, in 1572. 

So broad then was Vives's view of 
rhetoric teaching, that in his lectures he 
gave a stimulus to the earliest University 
studies in British antiquities. 


IV 


HISPANIC NOTES 




VIEW OF CORPUS CHRISTI COLLEGE 
OXFORD. Beerblocke, 1566 



P. 48 



LUIS V I V E S 


49 


IV 

LUIS VIVES IN LONDON 

When Luis Vives wrote his congratula- 
tions to the Archbishop designate of 
Valencia, Everard de la Marck. in 1520, 
he dwelt upon the clearness and purity of 
the Valencian sky. When he came to 
spend his first winter in England he wrote 
to the amanuensis of Erasmus, Gilbertus 
Cognatus, lamenting that in England the 
climate is windy, thick, humid. ' All 
kinds of food are different from what I am 
accustomed to have', the Valencian-born 
Vives tells his friend. And though Vives 
was attached to the Court when the term's 
lectures were over at Oxford, he had his 
lodgings in the district near the Tower, 
and thus describes the discomfort of his 




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residence in London, in a letter to a 
Spanish friend, Christopher Miranda : 

' I have a narrow den for a sleeping place, 
and in it no chair, no table. Other people 
have their quarters around it, in which there 
is such great and constant noise, that it is 
impossible to settle one's mind to anything, 
however much one may wish. Moreover, 
I live a distance from the royal palace [this 
apparently refers to Greenwich], and in order 
not to lose the whole day by often going and 
returning, from early morning till late evening 
I have no time at home. , . . Whilst eating I 
read ; but I eat little, for with so much 
sitting I cannot digest. Life here is such 
that I cannot hide my ennui.' 

Yet he tells us that in these lodgings 
a certain Spaniard, Alvaro de Castro, was 
his fellow lodger and slept in the same 
chamber, and the two Spaniards were as 
brothers in mutual love and goodwill. 
Castro urged Vives to write a companion 
volume to the de Institutione Foeminae 
ChrisHanae (which had treated of the de 
velopment of a Christian woman) — by 
detailing the parallel duties and respon- 



HISPANIC NOTES 



LUIS V I V E S 


5i 


sibilities of husbands. Castro further 
begged Vives to write such a treatise in 
Spanish, so that they could discuss the 
subject-matter together. Accordingly, in 
these London lodgings, Vives wrote the 
only work he ever wrote in Spanish, but 
eventually translated his Spanish manu- 
script into Latin, before the treatise was 
published under the title de Officio Mariti 
at Bruges in 1528. 

But, whilst living in London, the great 
joy fell to Vives of forgetting his dingy, 
squalid lodgings, by going to the Court 
of King Henry VIII, to which Queen 
Catharine had broughtamore precious heri- 
tage than the financial dowry, about which 
there had been so much squabbling. No 
slight reflection of the splendour of the 
Court of her parents, Ferdinand and 
Isabella, was manifest in their daughter, 
and her influence in the English Court. 
The nature of this atmosphere we shall 
follow in more detail presently. 

But it is necessary to refer now to the 
oft-told story of Sir Thomas More's home 




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E 2 



53 LUIS VIVES 




at Chelsea, for it was the good fortune of 
Luis Vives to arrive in London in the 
very year in which Sir Thomas More 
established himself in the Manor House, 
' a right fair one ', with library, books, 
gallery, with its gateway and gardens,, 
stretching one hundred yards, spreading 
down to the Thames. Erasmus's descrip- 
tion of the spirit of that home has become 
almost classical. 

' There ', says Erasmus (10), ' More con- 
verses affably with his family, his wife, his 
son and daughter-in-law, his three daughters 
and their husbands, with eleven grandchil- 
dren. There is no man living so loving with 
his children as he is. He loves his old wife 
as if she was a young maid . . . You would 
say his house was Plato's Academy. I 
should rather call it a school, or University, 
of Christian religion. There is none therein 
who does not study the branches of a liberal 
education. Their special care is piety and 
virtue. There is no quarrelling, or intem- 
perate words heard. None is idle. Every- 
body performs his duty with alacrity^.^md 
sober mirth is not lacking.' 


IV 


HISPANIC NOTES 



LUIS V I VE S 


53 


No haven of rest could be more con- 
genial to Luis Vives. In many ways 
More's house was like his old Valencian 
home (i i), in which his grandfather, Henry 
March, had instructed the young Luis in 
the elements of law, and where he had 
gained an interest in medicine, which 
never left him. 

Vives and More became the warmest 
friends. Both were abstemious, drinking 
only water. Both were simple in clothes. 
Vives writing against women's lavishness 
in dress with stinging words, and More's 
irony in the Utopia (where the natives 
made use of gold and jewels for childish 
playthings and in place of household 
crockery) — are closely sympathetic in ten- 
dency. Both, attached to Courts, were 
enemies of empty ceremonial and com- 
pliments. Both were intensely and simply 
pious. Both delighted in composition of 
Latin epigrams, and learned exercises of 
the scholar, and whilst in Flanders Vives 
had entered into friendly communications 
with More's children over literary exercises 


•' 


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54 


LUIS V I V E S 


J 


When Vives came to England in 1523 he 
was thirty-one years of age; More was forty- 
five, and his father, the judge, John More. 
was seventy. Margaret, Thomas More's 
daughter, who married William Roper, 
was eighteen, Elizabeth seventeen, Cecilia 
fifteen, and John, the son, fourteen. Their 
literary and intellectual visitors were of all 
ages. When Vives wrote his de Tradendis 
Disciplinis (published 1 53 i\ his conception 
of education in an Academy, covered the 
whole of life, and in this idea we can trace 
the atmosphere of ' The School of More ', 
as the common literary and studious 
activities of his family and their friends 
were often called. Learned men he 
constantly entertained as tutors for the 
stimulation of the children and the 
adults of the family. Amongst these 
tutors were, at one time or another, John 
Clement (12), William Gonell, Drew, Nicho- 
las, and the Richard Hyrde to whom 
we have referred as the translator into Eng- 
lish of Vives's de Institutione Foeminae 
Chrisiianae, with which translation, we 


■V 


HISPANIC NOTES 



LUIS V I V E S 


55 


saw, Thomas More associated himself as 
reviser. 

One further fact about Richard Hyrde 
deserves to be noted, for it has not re- 
ceived the attention it deserves in Renas- 
cence history. In 1523 Margaret Roper, 
More's daughter, translated into English 
Erasmus's commentary on the Lord's 
Prayer, and to this translation was prefixed 
aprefatory letter written by Hyrde. This pre- 
face is probably the first document written 
in English in which women's education is 
openly commended. Here, in this group of 
Thomas More, Erasmus, Luis Vives, and 
Richard Hyrde, is the concentrated leader- 
ship in this movement for the higher 
education of women (13). Thomas More 
was the direct inspirer of Erasmus and of 
Richard Hyrde in these views. At least 
it can be said of Luis Vives, that his book 
was written before he came to England, and 
three years before that of Erasmus. A close 
examination of the books of Vives and of 
Erasmus would show that Vives is more 
thoroughgoing in his inquiry into the 




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Sfi 


LUIS V I V E S 




grounds and processes of women's educa- 
tion, and that his treatment places his 
book as the most original and persuasive 
plea that had been made, with a special 
view to the consideration of England (for 
the dedication to Queen Catharine suggests 
that Vives aimed primarily at reaching 
English scholars) — within the whole course 
of the Mediaeval and Renascence ages. 
The distinctive merit of Hyrde's letter is 
that it is an educational document in the 
English language. 

In his Instruction of a Christian Woman 
Vives emphasizes the educational practice 
that had distinguished the Spanish Queen 
Isabella's Court, and that which was also 
to be found in the English household of 
Sir Thomas More. These passages, not 
generally known, are worth quoting. As 
to Spain, Vives says : 

' Among all good women, it is a shame to 
be idle. Therefore Queen Isabella taught 
her daughters to spin, sew and paint ; of 
whom two were Queens of Portugal, the 
third of Spain, mother of the Emperor 


IV 


HISPANIC NOTES 



LUIS VIVES 



Charles, and the fourth most holy and devout 
wife unto the most gracious King Henry VIII 
of England.' 

And again : 

' There hath been seen in our time the 
four daughters of Queen Isabel, that were 
well learned all. It is told me, in many 
places, that dame Joan, the wife of King 
Philip, mother of Charles, was wont to make 
answer in Latin, and that without any study, 
to the orations that were made after the 
custom in towns, to new princes. And like- 
wise the Englishmen say by their queen 
sister to Joan.' 

With regard to Sir Thomas More's 
daughters, Vives's testimony is : 

' Now if a man may be suffered among 
queens to speak of more mean folks I would 
reckon the daughters of Sir Thomas More, 
Margaret, Elizabeth, Cecilia (and with them 
their kinswoman, Margaret Giggs), whom 
their father, not content only to have them 
good and very chaste, would also that they 
should be well learned. . . . For the study of 
learning occupieth one's mind wholly and 



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IV 



58 


LUIS V I V E S 




lifteth it up into the knowledge of most goodly 
matters.' 

We see, then, that Vives brings together 
Spain and England, in his illustrations 01 
the advocacy of women's education. 

Among the foreign correspondents of 
More, and on occasion his visitors, were 
such foreigners as Bude, Dorpius, Peter 
Gilles, Beatus Rhenanus, John Cochlee, 
Francis Craneveldt, Conrad Goclenius, 
Cornelius Crocus, George Brice, Simon 
Grynaeus, and, of course, Erasmus. Such 
a list shows the international basis of 
More's interests. The same feature 
characterizes Luis Vives,' for most of 
More's friends were also his friends. 
There was a wonderful intellectual com- 
munism of scholars. 

As to the personal intercourse of Luis 
Vives with English people, we find that the 
actual visitors to More's house, during 
Vives's stay in England, apparently in- 
cluded William Blount, Lord Mountjoy, 
the Countess of Salisbury, Reginald Pole.. 


IV 


HISPANIC NOTES 




THOMAS MORE 
From the family group of Holbein 



LUIS V I V E S 


59 


John Fisher, Cuthbert Tunstall, Sir Thomas 
and Lady Elyot, William Lily, and prob- 
ably he would meet such interesting people 
as Richard Croke, John Heywood, and 
John Leland. Of course, too, King 
Henry VIII delighted to drop in on 
More. Sir Thomas More had opened 
out to the learned world in the Utopia 
(15 16) the heart-stirring problems of social 
life, with a literary charm combined with 
passionate earnestness, unparalleled in the 
Renascence. In the free interchange of 
thought, in the gatherings at his house, by 
the fireside in the winter, and in the 
garden in the summer, there can be no 
doubt that the large-souled friends de- 
veloped together the new note of the 
Renascence, so characteristic of More 
and Vives, so noticeably lacking in the 
Italian scholars, and even in Erasmus, 
often far to seek, and certainly, in his 
ordinary moods, occupying so subordinate 
a position, viz. the enthusiasm for hu- 
manity, as distinct from the passion for 
scholarship, manifesting itself in contem- 




A N D MONOGRAPHS 

1 


IV 



6o 


LUIS V I VE S 


/ 


plation and concern for the great mass of 
the people, and regarding the development 
of the well-being of the community as 
more urgent than the self-absorption of the 
scholars. 

Luis Vives gave expression to this atti- 
tude in the de Tradendis Disciplinis in 
1531, in the declaration: 'We (scholars) 
must transfer our solicitudes (from princes) 
to the people.' And again : ' This is the 
fruit of all studies; this is the goal. 1 
Having acquired our knowledge, ive must 
turn it to usefulness , and employ it for the 
common good.' 

For Vives this was no mere counsel of 
perfection. His whole course of develop- 
ment had been in this direction. The 
in pseudo-dialecticos aimed at the emanci- 
pation of the ordinary student from the 
subtleties of the professional dialectician. 
His Commentaries on St. Augustine's 
City of God brought common sense even 
into theological disquisition. His Instruc- 
tion of a Christian Woman was the de- 
cisive modern beginning of the movement 


IV 


HISPANIC NOTES 



LUIS V I V E S 



for the emancipation of women, educa- 
tionally. And so, too, in 1526, during 
his connexion with the English Court, 
though in the quiet retreat of his home at 
Bruges, his treatise was published on 
poor-relief (the de Subventione Paupernni), 
the first book to advocate the extension of 
responsibility (for the well-being of the 
very poor) to civic and lay authorities, 
away from the reliance upon the old 
methods of almsgiving of the ecclesiastical 
institutions, and to emphasize the im- 
portance of the organization and co-ordi- 
nation of all the resources for helping 
the poor — to avoid overlapping on the 
one hand, and the neglect of the de- 
serving and modest (who need even seek- 
ing out) on the other. He protests as 
vigorously against shameless ecclesiastical 
officials in charge of hospitals, for the 
sick, disregarding every duty, and brutally 
and cynically appropriating the revenues 
to their own private advantage, as previ- 
ously he had exposed the dialecticians and 
mediaeval metaphysicians. He advocated 



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61 



V 



IV 



6z 


LUIS V IVE S 




outdoor and home relief, and suggested 
principles which are accepted now under 
the name of Charity Organization. He 
pleaded for the educational training of 
the children of the submerged poor. 
For the relief of the mentally defective, 
he makes many educational proposals ; 
so, too, for the blind, the deaf, the insane. 
No doubt some of the suggestions came 
to his mind from the conditions of the 
old Valencian life, derived from the old 
medical Moorish experiences in Valencia, 
showing lines of direction in dealing 
with the distressing sides of Flemish and 
English poverty. His book is courageous 
and remarkable in its resourceful sugges- 
tions, and particularly in its altogether 
new municipal spirit. 

' As it is disgraceful ', he pleads, ' for the 
father of a family in his comfortable home to 
permit anyone in it to suffer the disgrace of 
being unclothed or in rags, it is similarly 
unfitting that the magistrates of a city should 
tolerate a condition in which citizens are 
hard pressed by hunger and distress.' 


IV 


HISPANIC NOTES 



LUIS V I VE S 



The rapprochement of More to Vives 
was that of personal affection and also that 
of a scholar to a scholar. But in addition 
they were drawn together by the common 
principle of a deepening love of mankind, 
typified in the one by the Utopia, in the 
other by the de Subventione Paitpernm. 



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63 



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*4 


LUIS V I V E S 




V 

THE AGE OF QUEEN CATHARINE 
OF ARAGON 

We usually accept the Age of Queen 
Elizabeth as if it arose of itself on the sea 
of history, without warning, without ante- 
cedent ' origins ', a bolt from the blue (14). 
On a priori grounds, this would be improb- 
able, and we have only to narrow the scope 
of inquiry to some single issue to find that 
there were very distinct lines of preparation, 
making that brilliant age possible. , Thus 
the glowing accounts which come to us of 
the education of the ladies of the Court. 
of Queen Elizabeth seemed as if the 
movement were a sudden efflorescence. 
It was not marked in the time of Queen 
Mary, nor in the time of Edward VI, nor 
in the later years of Henry VIII. But 


IV 


HISPANIC NOTES 



LUIS VI VE S 


65 

• 


the period of the outstanding ' School of 
More ' in the years of Vives's residence in 
England, 1523-8, is the period in which 
Queen Catharine's influence in England 
was at its height, and if we consider the 
particular question of the education of 
women, it would seem that in this aspect, 
at least, we may designate the period as 
the Age of Queen Catharine (14), and 
ascribe to it the origins of the educa- 
tional development, brilliant as it appears 
in William Harrison's account of the Court 
of Elizabeth, in his description of England 
in 1577. 

Returning to the consideration of Luis 
Vives's Instruction of a Christian Woman, 
we find that both Luis Vives dedicated 
the book in its Latin form, and that 
Richard Hyrde, the translator into English, 
wrote an independent dedication ; but 
both were inscribed to Queen Catharine 
of Aragon. 

' This work,' says Vives, ' most excellent 
and gracious Queen. I offer you as a 
painter would a portrait \ so, in this volume 




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66 


LUIS V I V E S 




shall you see the resemblance of your 
mind and goodness.' He tells the Queen 
that many others in his book are praised 
by name, but ' yourself spoken of con- 
tinually, though you be not named. Your 
dearest daughter Mary shall read these 
instructions, and she will follow them, if 
only she order herself after your example.' 
Richard Hyrde, in his dedication to the 
translation, speaks of the ' gracious zeal ' 
which the Queen bears ' to the virtuous 
education of the ivomcmkind of this realm '. 
This marks the new era, inaugurated by 
Queen Catharine. She is the first of 
royal personages in England to stimulate 
the education of girls. Vives and Linacre 
are the efficient directors she appoints for 
beginning the effort with her own daughter 
Mary. 

More striking, perhaps it will seem to 
some readers, is the tribute paid elsewhere 
to Queen Catharine by Erasmus, even 
than that of the dedications of Vives and 
Hyrde, for in these two scholars the 
homage to their patron might not seem 


IV 


HISPANIC NOTES 



LUIS V I V E S 


67 


to be entirely disinterested. But Erasmus, 
who had left England to live at Basle, 
with no intention whatever of returning to 
England, had no special reason for super- 
fluous recognition of Queen Catharine, 
either as a well-educated scholar or as a 
woman of sound cultural influence and 
leading. 

The Court of Henry and Catharine, 
compared with Courts elsewhere, won the 
strong admiration of Erasmus. ' I wish 
often, like you', he writes to the preceptor of 
the Archduke Ferdinand, ' that our Court 
would imitate Britain, which is full of men 
most learned in all kinds of studies. They 
stand round the royal table when literary 
and philosophical subjects are discussed, 
such as the education of a prince or some 
question of morals. The company of the 
palace is such that there is no academy you 
would value higher in comparison with it.' 
Both the King and the Queen delighted 
in reading, as is shown in the letter of 
acknowledgment by Henry of Erasmus's 
book on Free Will (de Libero Arbitrio). 




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LUIS V I V E S 




Not only was Catharine, Erasmus declares, 
egregie docta, but other women also joined 
in the discussions. John Palsgrave la- 
ments he had not been present at the 
Court, when More's daughters were dis- 
puting ' in philosophy, afore the King's 
grace \ 

Erasmus further dedicated his de Matri- 
monio Christiano, which contains his views 
on the education of girls and women, in 
1526, to Queen Catharine. The heroic 
virtues of Isabella, he says, were renowned 
through the world, but the high gifts of 
Catharine revealed her mother's greatness 
to the later age. ' Who would not wish ', 
asks Erasmus, ' to live in such a Court as 
hers ? ' She is educated, he says, in litera- 
ture, in which she is ' a miracle of her 
sex, nor is she less to be reverenced for 
her piety than for her erudition '. In one 
of his delightful letters to Margaret Roper, 
Erasmus, when he refers her to Jesus, the 
light of the nations and ' the true Apollo 
of your studies', assures her that few women 
can bring themselves into comparison 


IV 


HISPANIC NOTES 



LUIS V I VE S 


69 


with her. He adds, however, ' You have 
associated with you [in studies] your Queen, 
as it were, the Calliope of that most holy 
choir' [i.e. of women lyrists]. 

In 1524 Luis Vives wrote a character- 
istic little book for the Princess Mary, 
called Satellitium or Symbola, a book of 
maxims to serve as a body-guard for the 
child's mind. He addresses it to the 
Princess, saying that he has often been 
requested by the Queen, 'an illustrious 
and most holy woman ', to place a guard 
about the child's soul to preserve her 
' more securely and safely than any spear- 
men or bowmen whatever '. He provides 
239 symbola, each being a motto, maxim, or 
emblem, and tells the Princess that she 
will be safely preserved from harm by 
these 200 'guards', if she refuses to depart 
a finger's breadth from them. Luis Vives 
includes the motto Sine querela (i. e. ' with- 
out complaint '), and he tells the child it 
is his own motto (15). 

In the same year (1524) Vives wrote 
his Introdnctio ad Sapientiam, a book 




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70 


LUIS V IVES 




which was followed by a somewhat similar 
treatise by Erasmus, in 1526, under the 
title de Civilitate Morum puerilium. Of 
Erasmus's manual a modern text was 
published, with the original Latin and 
the French translation side by side on 
opposite pages, with an introduction by 
Alcide BonneaUj in Paris, in 1877. In 
1 91 2 the devoted humanist scholar, Senor 
Don J. Pin y Soler, published the Latin 
text, together with the first translation ever 
made of Erasmus's book into Catalan. 
Of Vives's book there has been no modern 
re-issue except in Spain, in which country, 
so recently as 1863, the Introductio ad 
Sapientiam was one of the books recom- 
mended in a royal ordinance for reading 
in the schools. There is a good reason 
why in England Vives's book should be 
accessible, seeing that there was an English 
translation made by Sir Richard Morison. 
dedicated to the son of Thomas Crom- 
well. A reprint would have double value, 
that of Vives's subject-matter, and as 
another example of the English employed 


IV 


HISPANIC NOTES 



LUIS V I V E S 



in a version so early as 1540. Both Vives's 
Introductio and Erasmus's de Civilitate are 
students' vade-mecums, compendia of the 
student's whole duty, as scholar, to God 
and to man. These manuals are intended 
to include the whole sap and marrow of 
the Greek philosophy of Plato, Aristotle, 
Cicero, Epictetus, Seneca, and Plutarch, 
and of the Gospels, appealing to both 
natural reason and to Christian religion, 
with the underlying suggestion of a 
union between the two. Vives's Intro- 
ductio?! to Wisdom is in fifteen chapters, 
and could thus be read in about a fort- 
night, a chapter a day, and re-read, fort- 
night by fortnight, until the student made 
the ideas the very atmosphere of his 
mental, moral, and religious life. 

Such writings as Vives's Satellitium and 
his Introductio ad Sapieniiam may seem 
trivial, but as a matter of fact they are not 
without significance. They mark the 
times, and make the Age of Queen Catha- 
rine intelligible educationally. Even to- 
day Professor Emile Boutroux has raised 



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72 



IV 



LUIS V IVES 



the question whether we should not do 
well to return, in early stages of teaching 
of morals, to the emphasis on proverbs 
and maxims, as embodying much perma- 
nant human wisdom. But in an age in 
which a teacher was known as a 'pre- 
ceptor ', it is illuminating to find that one 
of his duties was seriously taken to be, by 
leaders like Vives and Erasmus, the 
familiarizing of himself and his pupils in 
what we may call a manifesto of humanist 
aims and self-dedication, and this, literally, 
by means of keeping before his mind 
clear and definite precepts. The spirit of 
Vives's two little vade-mecums might be 
of value to-day. They belong to the class 
of literature which in religion is typified 
by Thomas a Kempis : Imitatio Christi. 
In Queen Catharine herself, in Vives, in 
Thomas More (16), scholarship and the 
pursuit of knowledge and truth were 
directly and inextricably associated with 
religion, taken in the sense of the spiritual 
bond which unites man-at-his-best to God. 
Thus before Vives began his daily studies 



HISPANIC NOTES 



LUIS V I VE S 


n 


and the reading of a book he engaged in 
prayer. As he said a grace before sitting 
down to a meal, so also he said a grace 
before sitting down to the mental food on 
his study-desk or table. His educational 
aim, for the youth and for the adult, de- 
manded 'ut sapientior fiat, ac hide melior'. 
The fact is that the Age of Queen 
Catharine is a transitional age between 
Mediaevalism and Modern times, exactly 
the position which Luis Vives was so 
splendidly equipped for understanding : — 
he was experienced, we have seen, in both 
types of disciplines — nor had he ever 
wished for anything but to find the 
truth (17) wherever it was, in the old or 
in the new. For that reason no one was 
better able to reveal the age to itself. He 
did not belong to what might be called the 
advanced school of Italian humanists, 
who seemed to suggest that an alliance 
with learning required a divorce from re- 
ligion. Vives was a profound believer in 
the unity of all life, divine and human, 
and culture to him was an amalgam, 


1/ 


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74 



IV 



LUIS VI VE S 



known in the new northern humanist 
fervour, with which he was permeated, as 
pietas litterata. 

Let it be remembered that this age of 
pietas litterata (taking the years of Vives's 
residence in England 1523-8 as repre- 
sentative) was only some sixty years after 
the introduction of the printing-press, and 
that as yet there was no general distri- 
bution of books. Instruction, therefore, 
was largely oral, and the educational 
methods lent themselves to the subject- 
matter that could offer food for the 
memory, and for reflection. Thus Queen 
Catharine herself, though better educated 
in the way of book-learning than any 
queen of the Middle Ages could have 
been, was permeated predominantly with 
the religious spirit, and derived her culture 
from both religion and literature. 

This conjunction of pietas with literary 
studies institutionally can be exemplified 
by the close association of All Souls 
College, Oxford, with the Abbess and Nuns 
of the Brigittine Monastery of Syon, at 



HISPANIC NOTES 



LUIS V I V E S 


75 


Isleworth. These women were admitted 
to the benefit of the prayers of the men's 
College, 'partakers of all our Divine 
offices '. In other words, the Abbey was 
an ally of the College and vice versa. As 
Professor Montague Burrows says, { no 
doubt scholars of the one became priests 
of the other '. Syon Abbey was the nearest 
approach to a learned institution for 
women that existed in England. It was 
with this Abbey that Catharine brought 
herself into the closest relations. Vives, 
it is known, visited Queen Catharine at 
Richmond Palace and accompanied her 
to Syon Abbey — a short expedition across 
the Thames. In the Satellitium, written 
as we saw for the use of the Princess 
Mary, Vives says : 

£ I remember your mother, a most wise 
woman, said to me as we came back by boat 
from Syon to Richmond, that she preferred 
moderate and steady fortune to great alterna- 
tions of rough and smooth. But if she had 
to choose, she would elect the saddest, rather 
than the most flattering fortune, because in the 




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7 6 



IV 



LUIS VI VE S 



former consolation can be found, whilst in the 
latter, often even sound judgment disappears.' 

She, indeed, obtained her choice ! 

Richard Whitford was one of the Syon 
priests. He was a friend of Erasmus and 
Thomas More, and had been one of the 
retinue of William Blount, Erasmus's pupil, 
whilst travelling abroad. What is more, 
the literary exercises of Erasmus and More, 
written to ' stimulate the practice amongst 
schools and scholars', were dedicated to 
Whitford (who had introduced classical 
printed texts into the library of Sion 
House). He had written on the education 
of children, and was one of the progressive 
spirits of the day. 

The nuns at Syon came from the best 
families, and the monastery was tradition- 
ally in close connexion with the royal 
family. It almost appears as if the 
monastery was to Court lady visitors of 
the more thoughtful kind what St. Dona- 
tian's at Bruges was to men of the scho- 
larly type under the rdgime of Dean Marcus 



HISPANIC NOTES 



LUIS V I VE S 


77 


Laurinus. Sir Thomas More ' frequented 
the monk's parlour ' of the monastery, from 
time to time. The prioress from 15 13 to 
the Dissolution of the Monasteries in 1539 
was a connexion of Walter Blount, Lord 
Mountjoy ( 1 8). Meetings of outsiders took 
place in the court or reception-room of the 
Abbey. It is probable that the steward at 
the times of the earliest visits of Vives was 
one of the founders of Brasenose College, 
Oxford, Sir Richard Sutton (19). 

Thus this institution is the nearest ap- 
proach to a woman's college, or centre of 
culture of the times, and at least its con- 
nexion with All Souls College, and the 
association with it of Erasmus's friend, 
and the visits of Sir Thomas More, make 
it, like Vives's text-books, a preparatory 
' source ' of a cultural atmosphere, even 
if we agree that its pietas litterata laid 
greatly preponderating stress on the pietas. 

Explain as we will this atmosphere of 
Queen Catharine, Syon Monastery, Sir 
Thomas More and his friends, and the 
Spanish Luis Vives, it was from these 


V 


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IV 



7« 


LUIS V I V E S 


\ 


surroundings that the demand first came 
for the humanist education and culture of 
girls and women. It was during Vives's 
connexion with the English Court that 
he came forward from this progressive 
mediaevalism and struck the modern note, 
with a clearness and an emphasis such as 
had never been reached in England. In 
other words, Catalan-Spaniard of Valencia 
by birth, whilst living in England, he sent 
forth a clarion cry in a letter to Henry VIII 
which of itself raises the Age of his com- 
patriot Queen Catharine and himself to 
high distinction. Vives saw the national 
significance of general higher education. 

Founded on the teachings of Plato's 
Republic, Vives appeals (20) to King 
Henry VIII to become the intellectual, 
as emphatically as he is the military, 
leader of his people. In this letter he 
says : 

' Nothing is more vital than that due care 
should be taken in the formation by the 
young of right and sane opinions. They 


IV 


HISPANIC NOTES 



LUIS VI V E S 



should know the aim and advantage of each 
element of welfare, its essential proportion, 
and how to estimate it. Youth will then 
become like tried goldsmiths, with a Lydian 
stone, which serves as an indication of 
values (positive and negative), of such factors 
in life as money, possessions, friends, honours, 
nobility, dignity, sovereignty, outward form, 
physique, pleasure, wit, erudition, morality, 
religion. They will thus learn not to con- 
fuse small things with great. . . . Thus, pro- 
vided with standards, their religion will not 
yield precedence to outward form and cere- 
monies, and their conception of literature 
will not allow them to devote their energies 
to topics provocative of struggle and con- 
tention, which render men stubborn rather 
than wise. They will be drawn rather to 
those studies which lead to the consolidation 
of morals and the building up of life. . . . No 
one is outside of the scope of religion, and the 
mass of the people (vulgns) will be helped in 
literature, partly by addresses {concionibus), 
partly by books, written in the mother tongue, 
advising them as to the subjects worthy of 
study, by which their good hours may not 
be passed in reciting old women's fables, nor 
in actions indifferent to good conduct. 1 



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\J 


Vives might thus be claimed as the first 
to suggest the idea of University Extension 
and that of the Workers' Educational 
Association. In these views he would 
receive the sympathy of the writer of the 
Utopia. They both were trained in the 
ideal oi pietas litter ata as an appeal to 
men of every social grade, and are the fore- 
runners, between three and four hundred 
years earlier, of F. D. Maurice and Charles 
Kingsley, and the group of the Christian 
Socialists and all their great successors of 
the last three-quarters of a century. 


IV 


HISPANIC NOTES 




QUEEN CATHARINE OK A RAG OX I 



LUIS V I V E S 


81 


VI 

THE FALL OF QUEEN 
CATHARINE OF ARAGON 

In the earlier years of Queen Catharine's 
residence in England she had a distinc- 
tively Spanish household. After her 
marriage to Henry VIII many of the 
Spanish servitors were dismissed, but 
some Spanish friends were retained near 
her throughout her life. The anonymous 
Spaniard who wrote a Chronicle of 
Henry VIII remarked how liberal that 
monarch was to every one, particularly to 
Spaniards. Some of the English courtiers, 
such as Lord Berners and Bishop Cuthbert 
Tunstall, had travelled in Spain, and Sir 
Harry Guilford had been knighted by 
Ferdinand at Burgos. The Court of 
Queen Catharine of Aragon, in fact, had 
more of a Spanish colouring than was 




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LUIS V I V E S 




ever known in the English Court before 
her time. Catharine had tried, some 
years earlier, to get Erasmus as Preceptor 
in her Court, but had failed. Vives, how- 
ever, as a Spaniard was doubly welcome, 
and the appreciation was mutual. Always 
we see that Vives's attraction to the Queen 
was great, as compatriot, as patron, as a 
friend. 

' I am stirred ' , he says, with blunt 
spontaneity, ' by the holiness and good- 
ness of your living, and by the favour, 
love, and zeal your grace bears towards 
holy study and learning '. Though Vives 
was not continuously the tutor to the 
Princess Mary, they must have been 
on the best of terms, and it is possible 
that he occasionally taught her. She 
adopted a motto, which finds its place in 
Vives's Satellitium — ' Veritastemporis filia '. 
on which Vives's comment is : ' Though 
truth has been hidden for a long time, it 
manifests itself as time proceeds \ 

We are accustomed to regard only the 
sad and gloomy side of Catharine of 


IV 


HISPANIC NOTES 



LUIS V I V E S 


H 


Aragon, but between 1509 and 1526 she 
had been the companion of Henry VIII 
in much that was of uncommon gaiety and 
joy, in masques and jousts, dances, pro- 
cessions, and pageants. Henry VIII was 
of magnificent physique, skilled in all out- 
door exercises, in tennis, on horseback, in 
athletics. He was equally distinguished 
mentally. He was artistic, in appreciation 
at least. He spoke French and fair 
Italian, and learned Spanish enough to 
converse with his wife. He had been 
well trained in ecclesiastical studies ' to 
fit him for the mitre', at the time when 
his elder brother was expected to be 
king. He was read in the classics, and in 
the science of the times. Pie was of 
friendly disposition. ' You would say ', pro- 
nounced Erasmus, 'he was a companion, 
not a king '. Such considerations lead us 
to attribute sincerity to Vives in the terms 
of his dedication of the Commentaries on 
S. Augustine's Civitas Dei to Henry VIII 
and similar sincerity on the King's reply 
to Vives. Henry VIII and Catharine of 





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G 2 



8 4 


LUIS V I V E S 




Aragon were united in their goodwill 
towards culture and towards scholars, and 
hopes of the revival of learning in England 
ran high, perhaps at the time that Vives 
came to the English Court, higher than 
at any Court in Europe, for Ferdinand 
and Isabella had died, and the Spanish 
Court had degenerated in its interest in 
letters. 

Erasmus, in 151 8, declared that he saw 
another Golden Age arising if other Courts 
were to become like that of England, and 
thrillingly proclaimed, ' The world is re- 
covering the use of its senses ; it has 
awakened from the deepest sleep'. The 
spirit in which, as we saw, Vives wrote to 
Henry VIII, in 1525, at least justified the 
warm blessing of Erasmus of a few years 
before. No wonder Vives found England, 
in spite of all drawbacks, attractive in the 
charming goodwill of the King and in the 
gentle respect and affection of the Queen 
— both permeated with the enthusiasm of 
the revival of learning. 

Then came the crash. There were two 


IV 


HISPANIC NOTES 



LUIS VI VE S 


«5 


Henries., or rather two strains of diverse 
personality, that one whom Vives had 
known hitherto, the scholar, the bon cama- 
rade, the leader of people to intellec- 
tual aims, the prince-philosopher (whom 
Erasmus recognized in him); and there 
was another side, which Vives did not 
know and could not perhaps so fully com- 
prehend — the King who recognized the 
need for consolidation of his kingdom in 
the succession to the throne of a son and 
heir, who passionate in his outlook on 
life as he showed himself in the higher 
interests of life, was also equally passionate 
in the lower levels of his own nature, who, 
while capable of reaching great heights of 
thought and purpose (whilst stretching his 
arm round the neck of Thomas More as 
they together watched the heavens) could 
also be materially engrossed in designs 
which he inwardly interpreted as the good 
of his kingdom, when his mind turned 
earthwards, and got fixed even on the mud 
and the mire. The backward look on the 
Wars of the Roses had stirred Thomas 


J 


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86 


LUIS VI VE S 




More to call for a Utopia. Henry VIII 
read no solution for the future, unless the 
succession to the crown was secured by the 
prospect of a strong king able to hold his 
own at home and abroad. This question 
of the succession, then, involved divorcing 
Catharine of Aragon and marrying again 
on the chance of the hope being fulfilled. 
Other motives there may have been, but 
this appears to have been a background ; 
however susceptible of criticism, it is at 
least intelligible. 

In May 1527 King Henry announced 
to Wolsey his intention to divorce his 
wife. On June 22 he told the Queen 
that he had been informed by divines and 
lawyers that their marriage had been from 
the first illegal. Catharine did not know 
or even suspect this second side to Henry's 
character. It may have been of slow 
development, though of so catastrophal a 
manifestation. But, strong-willed as the 
King was, when the change came in him 
he could not break by his own acts or 
those of his agents, the passive resistance 


IV 


HISPANIC NOTES 



LUIS VI VE S 


87 


of the Queen, schooled by religion and 
philosophy, to meet the surprises of for- 
tune. She had met the good fortune of 
a glorious Court, with responsive activity. 
She was not unprepared to meet the ill- 
fortune of life with a determined passivity 
of pain and suffering, though without the 
relief of active revolt. 

Loyalty was part of the nature of Luis 
Vives. We see it in his pious affection 
for his parents, for his native Valencia, in 
his devotion to Paris in spite of her aca- 
demic Cimmerian darkness, in his never- 
failing friendship for Erasmus (though 
Erasmus was not equally constant to 
him), in his devotion to his father-in- 
law and his mother-in-law— so, the tribu- 
lation of his compatriot, Queen Catharine 
of Aragon, found Luis Vives staunch on 
her side, in ill fortune as in prosperity. 

Nearly sixteen months before the Lega- 
tine Court was summoned to try the case 
for divorce, i. e. as far back as Feb. 20, 
1528, Wolsey had examined Vives ' in the 
fullest manner he could without force, 




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IV 



LUIS V I V E S 



thinking this best for the king's honour '. 
But with no result prejudicial to Catha- 
rine. Whereupon Wolsey had Vives 
prevented from going out of London, or 
as Vives puts it in a letter, he was placed 
in libera custodia for six weeks, and re- 
leased only on the condition of not 
visiting the Court. The story of Vives's 
connexion with the divorce case can be 
told in the two graphic letters of Vives 
himself. The first is a letter to some 
unnamed correspondent (20). He states 
that he was ordered to give an account of 
his communication with the Queen. ' Not 
that it would injure any one to relate it, 
even if it were published on church doors 
But a great part of the intercourse of life ' 
says Vives, * rests upon the faith of 
secrecy which, if destroyed, would put us 
all on guard against a companion as 
against an enemy \ On compulsion, he 
had made the following statement. 

'Last May (1527), when I asked leave 
of the King to revisit my home and family 
[at Bruges], he asked me when I should 



HISPANIC NOTES 



LUIS VI VE S 



return. I said : " When it seemed good to 
him ". " Let it be after the hunting season, 
at Michaelmas," he said. To this I agreed. 
The Queen asked me, at this time, to 
teach the Princess Mary Latin, and such 
precepts of wisdom as would arm her 
against any adverse fortune'. Accord- 
ingly, to please both King and Queen he 
returned at the end of September. The 
Queen, afflicted by the controversy as to 
her marriage, 

'began to unfold to me this her calamity, 
since I was her compatriot and spoke the 
same language ; thinking, too, that I might 
have read something, which might be a con- 
solation to her grief. Then she wept over 
her fate, that the man whom she loved more 
than herself should be so alienated from her 
as to think of marrying another, which was a 
grief the more intense as her love was the 
greater. I answered her, that God thus 
exercised his own children to the increase of 
their highest virtues. It was a proof that 
she was dear to God.' 

Then Vives raises the question : ' Can 
any one blame me for trying to soothe 



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<;o 


LUIS V I V E S 




and console her ? She, a queen, born from 
such a race, and whose parents I tremble 
to remember were formerly my natural 
princes, and of such virtue that she seems 
least of all worthy of misfortune.' The 
Queen then asked Vives to approach the 
Emperor's orator ''ambassador) and get 
him to secure a fair hearing with the 
Pope, that she should not be condemned 
without being heard. 

Vives asks : ' Who does not admire and 
respect the moderation of the queen? 
other women would have roused heaven 
and earth, and filled all with clamour and 
tumult. She merely seeks from her sis- 
ter's son that she may not be condemned 
unheard. This is the sum of all about 
which the queen and I conversed.' 

The second letter of Vives is to his 
Spanish friend, Juan Vergara (about the 
end of 1 531), in Spain, and shows the 
position which he took with regard to the 
trial. 

' Cardinal Campeggio was sent into Britain 
as the judge of the case. The King in 


IV 


HISPANIC NOTES 



LUIS VI VES 


9 1 


wondrous haste requested the Queen to 
choose for herself defenders to plead her 
cause before Campeggio and Wolsey. The 
Queen summoned me to her presence, and I 
said that it was unwise to be defended before 
that tribunal by any one, — that it would be 
better to be condemned unheard than to accept 
the delusive preteiice of such a trial ; that the 
King was merely seeking a pretext with which 
to render himself plausible before his people ; 
and to make it appear that the Queen was 
given opportunity of defence ; that, for the 
rest, he did not greatly care.' 

The Queen was too full of anxiety to 
consider Vives's suggestion calmly. She 
besought the King to grant her the benefit 
of advocates. Henry complied, and nomi- 
nated on her behalf as councillors the 
Archbishop of Canterbury, the bishops of 
Rochester, Bath, and London, the Queen's 
Confessor, another bishop, and the Chan- 
cellor of Ely. He agreed, says a State 
document, that she should have a proctor 
and another advocate from Flanders and 
' a Spaniard named Ludovicus Vives whom 




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9 2 


LUIS V I V E S 


\l 

V 


she herself nominates, who formerly read 
history at Oxford' (21). 

Consistently with his advice to the 
Queen, Vives declined to take part, as 
advocate, and, as he thought, injure her 
cause by the acceptance of trial before 
such a Court. ' The Queen ', says Vives 
to his friend Vergara, ' was angry with 
me because I did not at once obey her 
will, rather than my own reason. . . . 
So the King regarded me as an enemy, 
and the Queen thought me refractory. 
And both of them took away the salaries 
they had been paying. So, for almost 
three years, I am astonished that I have 
been able to make a living.' But it was 
the common fate of all who supported 
Catharine's cause that they should suffer 
for it sooner or later. 

Though Vives had refused to associate 
himself with what he believed to be the 
mistaken policy of acknowledging a 
genuine expectation of a fair trial in the 
Court of Campeggio and Wolsey, and had 
finally left England for Bruges in 152S, he 


IV 


HISPANIC NOTES 



LUIS V I V E S 


93 


continued to do all that he could to assist 
the cause of Catharine, in the ways that 
he considered best. On January 13, 1531, 
he wrote one of the most daringly frank, 
appealing letters to Henry VIII, in which 
he besought the King not to plunge his 
country into trouble and possible war with 
the Emperor and into national civil strife, 
in a matter in which he can so easily take 
steps for the good of the nation. Another 
marriage would not necessarily make the 
succession any safer than the choice of 
a good son-in-law for his daughter Mary. 
He appeals to the great weight of Henry's 
example to his people and to the cause of 
stumbling he will afford to others, if he 
persists in the divorce-project. 

Further, in 1532, he wrote a treatise, 
embodying the answer on behalf of 
Catharine to the whole of the arguments 
collected by Cranmer of the decisions of 
the continental Universities. Cranmer's 
book (22) has been represented as the out- 
come of the opinions of one hundred pro- 
tagonists^ the King, at home and abroad. 




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LUIS VI V E S 




These Censurae were answered first by 
Bishop Fisher the same year, and in the 
following year by Luis Vives, in a book with 
a long title (23) published at Liineburg, 

i53 2 - 

The rest of the story of Catharine is 
but the account of her journey to the 
grave. Dismissed from Windsor in 1531, 
she lived at ' the More ', at Ampthill, at 
Buckden, near Huntingdon, and at Kim- 
bolton, and in the last-named place she 
died in 1535. In the last few years she 
had the Spanish George de Atequa, bishop 
of Llandaff, as her confessor. She had her 
Spanish physician and apothecary, and re- 
tained at least of Spanish servitors, Felipo, 
Bastian, and Antonio ; and she had the 
ever- faithful Lady Willoughby (a Spanish 
lady, Maria de Salinas, of illustrious de- 
scent, who married an English noble). 
She was Spanish in surroundings in her 
downfall, 'After the last, returned the 
first.' 

Vives, suffering amid his poverty in 
Bruges, though deprived of the favour of 


IV 


HISPANIC NOTES 



LUIS VI VE S 


95 


the King and the Queen, did not waver 
in his old loyalty. In one of his works 
written at Bruges, he says, with deep feeling 
of Queen Catharine, so strong in her 
adversity : 

'If such incredible virtue had appeared 
when honour was the reward of virtue, she 
would have been regarded as divine, sent 
down from heaven. She would have been 
prayed to, in temples. Yet there cannot be 
erected unto her a more magnificent temple 
than that which all men, in all nations, mar- 
velling at her virtues, have in their hearts, 
builded and erected.' 

During the years 1523-8, the two 
Spaniards, Queen Catharine and Luis 
Vives, had been in England, united in 
the common Renascence cause, which 
both had found so full of joyful promise 
in their youthful Spanish years. From 
1528 to 1540 (the year of his death) Vives 
lived mainly in Bruges. The English 
connexions, on which we have laid stress 
in this short biography, were at an end. 




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9 6 


LUIS V I VE S 




VII 

VIVES AFTER LEAVING 
ENGLAND 

Throughout his connexion with Eng- 
land Vives had spent part of the year in 
Bruges, where he left his wife and his 
wife's relations. Vives's wife, Margaret 
Valdaura, was the daughter of a remark- 
able woman, Clara Cervent, placed so 
affectionately by Vives amongst noble and 
saintly women. She married BernardVal- 
daura, a man of forty-six years, when she 
was eighteen. Attacked by a loathsome 
disease, for years Valdaura was nursed by 
his wife and daughter. They did not rest 
for more than from one hour to three hours 
a night and then in their day clothes, and 
on his apparent recovery he relapsed into 
another long disease. For ten years the 
wife was absorbed in tending the husband, 


IV 


HISPANIC NOTES 



LUIS VI VE S 


97 


whom others shunned. Vives was lost in 
reverence for his mother-in-law. How the 
family lived in the years of Valdaura's 
illness is not known, but it is not im- 
probable that Vives's wife and her mother 
engaged in money-earning, and certain 
documents in the English Calendar of 
State Papers make clear that Luis Vives 
had held licences for importing wine, 
and exporting corn, possibly by way of 
assisting in the affairs of his wife's family. 
The whole of the circumstances show 
how serious a matter it was for Vives to 
lose the financial favour of Henry VIII 
and Catharine of Aragon. 

Vives lived twelve years after leaving 
England, dying in 1540. In the first year 
after his return from England to Bruges 
was published the de Officio Mariti, sug- 
gested, as we saw, by his Spanish co-lodger in 
London, Alvaro de Castro, who also, at this 
time, was domiciled at Bruges. Vives dedi- 
cated the book to Francisco Borgia, Duke 
of Gandia, a Spaniard of the Province of 
Valencia. In his dedication Vives speaks 




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LUIS VI VE S 




with affection of the Valencians whom he 
found at Bruges, and of them he mentions 
Juan Andres Straneus and Honoratus 
Joannius. Another dedication should also 
be mentioned, that of Vives's important 
work, de Anima, in 1538. This book 
constitutes Vives's claim to be regarded as 
the father of modern empirical psycho- 
logy. He is the first, in modern times, 
to lay stress on what the soul does, or 
on what its manifestations are, instead of 
confining inquiries into what the essence 
of the soul is. The dedication of this 
book is to a distinguished Spaniard, the 
Duke of Bejar. It will be remembered 
that Cervantes, in 1605, dedicated his 
Don Quichote to the contemporary Duke 
of Be*jar. ' Thus ', as Sefior Bonilla has 
remarked, ' the dukes of Bejar were 
honoured by the first philosopher and 
the first novelist of Spain '. The reference 
to Luis Vives as the first modern philo- 
sopher, may be further based upon his 
history of philosophy (24), published at 
Louvain in 15 18. 


IV 

k 


HISPANIC NOTES 



LUIS V I V ES 


99 


Four important works of Vives which 
must be mentioned were written after 
leaving England, in 1529, the de Concordia 
et Discordia in humano genere \ in 153 1, 
the de Disciplinis ; and in 1538 the Linguae 
Latinae Exercitatio. In 1543 was pub- 
lished, posthumously, his de Veritate Fidei 
Chrisiianae, Vives's chief distinctively 
ecclesiastical and religious work. 

The first three are of more significance 
than is generally recognized, but since the 
present volume is especially devoted to 
the life of Vives in England, only a quite 
generalized statement can be here made of 
each of them. Dedicated to the Emperor 
Charles V, the de Concordia et Discordia in 
humano genere was published in 1529. In 
our own days, in view of the foundation 
of the League of Nations, Vives's treatise 
deserves renewal of attention. For it is 
concerned with the establishment, con- 
tinuance, and guarantees for European 
peace. It is one of Vives's social works, 
characterized by the enthusiasm for hu- 
manity, rising beyond national interests, 




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IOO 


LUIS V I VE S 


J 


or rather identifying national and inter- 
national with human and cosmopolitan 
aims (25). 

Vives is the first modern writer to base 
education on psychology. He suggests 
the need of observation of the child and 
adaptation of teaching to his needs. The 
de Disciplinis is the most thorough-going 
educational book of the Renascence. 
Vives advocates that only those fit for 
the higher learning should proceed to it. 
Slow wits are to be preferred to quick wits. 
Conferences of teachers in each school 
should determine procedure for each boy. 
The vernacular should be the medium of 
instruction at the early stages of instruc- 
tion. All languages (Latin included) 
should be taught by the direct method. 
Vives was the first to attach importance 
to the teaching of modern history (e. g. to 
the reading of Froissart, Monstrelet, Corn- 
mines, and the Spanish Valera), and to 
modern geography. He lays stress on 
religious education. Pupils should enter 
schools full of reverence, ' as if into holy 


IV 


HISPANIC NOTES 



LUIS V IVES 


IOI 


temples '. He emphasizes qualitative work 
in contrast to large numbers of pupils. 
' Who can complain of the fewness of his 
scholars when the Creator of the world was 
satisfied with a school of twelve men ? ' 

His Linguae Latinae Exercitatio is a 
collection of Latin dialogues, containing 
accounts of the ordinary life of pupils 
and scholars, affording exercise in good 
Latinity. Of special interest historically, 
they present unconsciously, with realistic 
•simplicity and sincerity, pictures of the 
manners, habits, interests, and conversa- 
tion of youths nearly 400 years ago. 

Luis Vives left behind him, at his death, 
unpublished MSS., containing his syste- 
matic theological and religious views in his 
de Veritate Fidel Christianae. This work 
is the outcome of a religious spirit which 
permeated his whole life. His main con- 
cern was with practical piety. Towards 
the end of his life he published a collec- 
tion of prayers and devotional exer- 
cises (26), and it is an outstanding tribute 
to his spiritual sincerity that when John 




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102 


LUIS V I V E S 




Bradford put together his collection of 
' Private Prayers and Meditations ' in 
1559, this great Protestant champion in- 
cluded a large number of Vives's prayers 
and meditations, for Luis Vives, like 
Erasmus and Thomas More, never left 
the Roman Catholic Church. The same 
prayers, though with variations of render- 
ing, are repeated in the English Church 
Book of Private Prayers put forth by 
Authority in 1578. It is curious and in- 
teresting to find that the Spaniard Vives, 
of the Roman Catholic Church, though 
not in holy orders in it, is one of the chief 
sources of the official Book of Private 
Prayers, chosen for the Church of England, 
in Queen Elizabeth's reign. 

We have followed the two figures of the 
Spanish Renascence whom we have found 
to be of significance for one phase and 
one short period in the history of English 
education and culture — Luis Vives and 
Queen Catharine of Aragon. For Vives's 
life from 1528 to 1540 only transferred the 
activities of thought and knowledge to 


IV 


HISPANIC NOTES 



LUIS V I VE S 


103 


Flanders, which might have continued to 
build up the Revival of Learning in Eng- 
land. The spirit of Vives's fiietas litterata 
was the same in London as it was after- 
wards in Flanders, and in any complete 
estimate of the sources and origins of the 
Elizabethan Court culture it requires a 
recognition which it has not yet received. 
Spaniards claim Luis Vives as el gran 
Valenciano. English students may well 
respect that claim, and further regard him 
as the Spanish friend and educational ad- 
viser of Catharine, and the cultured com- 
rade of Thomas More. Whilst emphasiz- 
ing his position in England as the greatest 
Spanish humanist who had ever exercised 
literary and educational influence in our 
country, we may acknowledge that he 
passes beyond that limitation, in any com- 
plete estimate. He is the great Valencian 
international humanist of the first half of 
the sixteenth century. 




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LUIS V I VE S 




NOTES 

(i) The first grammar of a vernacular 
romance language written by a humanist 
scholar. 

(2) Life of Ximenez (von Hefele, p. 116). 

(3) We are told that More ' not so much 
discussed the points of divinity, as the 
precepts of moral philosophy and history 
wherewith those views are replenished '— 
a method of procedure which finds ready 
parallels in Vives's treatment of St. Augus- 
tine. 

(4) I give the English rendering of John 
Healey, who translated Vives's entire work 
on the Commentaries of St. Augustine's City 
of God, in 16 10. 

(5) de lnstitutio?ie Foeminae Christianae, 
Antwerp, 1523, date of dedication, Bruges, 
5 April, 1523. 

(6) London: T. Berthelet. 

(7) i.e. anticipated. 

(8) Bernard Valdaura, Margaret's father, 


IV 


HISPANIC NOTES 



NOTES 


105 


was an invalid with a painful and loathsome 
disease, most heroically nursed by his wife. 
It appears that the home-life was somewhat 
straitened for finance. See pp. 96, 97. 

(9) de Rebus Albionicis, in which he dis- 
cusses all sorts of questions of archaeology 
and early British history. It was published 
in 1590, but must have been written long 
before. 

(10) Erasmus's account, of course, is open 
to the criticism that Erasmus was not per- 
sonally acquainted with the Chelsea home 
of More, since he was not in England after 
1 51 5. But he knew Thomas More, and he 
knew More's old home in Bucklersbury. 
and Erasmus's description was accepted as 
the best known by those who had personal 
knowledge. 

(11) Even to the point of absence of 
quarrelling. Vives saysofhismother,Blanche, 
after she had been married fifteen years to 
his father : * I could never see her strive 
with my father '. The ' concord of Vives 
(the father) and Blanche ' became a proverb 
in Valencia, the son tells us. He adds : 
' But it is not to be much talked of in a book 
made for another purpose, of my most holy 
mother.' He cherished the design of writing 




AND MONOGRAPHS 


IV 



io6 



IV 



LUIS V I V E S 



a ' book of her acts and life'. It is a great 
loss that it was not written. The record of 
his intention, which shows the unforgettable 
Valencian home in all his wanderings, was 
written in 1523, just before his introduction 
to the Chelsea manor-house. 

(12) John Clement was a predecessor of 
Vives in the Wolsey lectureship at Oxford. 
In 1522 he was studying medicine at Louvain. 
It is not actually known that Vives and 
Clement met there, but it is highly probable. 

(13) Thomas More advocates the education 
of women in the Utopia, 1516 ; Luis Vives in 
the de Institutions Foeminae Christianae in 
1523 ; Richard Hyrde in 1524, in the above- 
named prefatory letter to Margaret Roper's 
translation • and Erasmus in his de Matri- 
monii? Christiano in 1526. Erasmus, it is 
well known, was converted to the idea of 
women's education by Sir Thomas More. 

(14) I ventured to use this term in my Vives 
and the Renascence Education of Women 
(London : Edward Arnold, 1912). I then 
pointed out that no woman in England 
throughout the long course of the Middle 
Ages had been so active and persistent in 
the cause of education as Margaret, Countess 
of Richmond, the mother of Henry VII. 



HISPANIC NOTES 



NOTES 



But her high enthusiasm was entirely con- 
centrated on the education of boys and men. 
It is the distinction of Queen Catharine, 
through association with Luis Vives, to have 
stimulated the cause of the education of girls 
and women. The ground was thus prepared 
for the developments of Queen Elizabeth's 
age of cultured women. 

(15) His comment on it is: 
1 Life should be so led that no one should 

have reason to complain of thee, nor thou of 
any one, or of fortune. Nor shouldst thou 
do wrong to any one, nor believe that any 
one has done any to thee (Seneca, de Tran- 
quillitate vitae). So accustomed should we 
be to our position in life that we should 
bring complaint to a minimum, whilst we 
should recognize whatsoever is of pleasant- 
ness in it. For there is nothing so grievous 
in which the just mind cannot find some 
solace. This is my motto.' 

(16) In the description of Thomas More's 
School or Academy Erasmus said : ' Their 
-pecial care is piety and virtue.' 

(17) At the end of the Preface to the de 
Discipli7iis he says : ' I ask that my good- 
will in the attempt to pursue the good be 
recognized, and that you pardon the errors 



AND MONOGRAPHS 



107 



IV 



io8 


LUIS V I V E S 




of an undertaking which is so new.' (And 
earlier in the Preface) : ' If you think, friends, 
that I seem to offer right judgments, give your 
adherence, not because they are mine, but 
because they are true. You, who seek truth, 
make your stand wherever you think that 
she is.* 

(18) The community at Syon Abbey con- 
sisted of thirteen priests, four deacons, and 
eight lay brethren, and sixty nuns. It is 
said that the numbers were fixed after the 
thirteen apostles and seventy- two evange- 
lists. 

(19) October 8, 1525. 

(20) Foreign and Domestic State Papers, 
vol. iii, part 1, no. 4990, R.O. under date, 
1528. Cf. also a fuller transcript in M. A. E. 
Wood, Letters of Royal and Illustrious 
Ladies, 1846, vol. ii, pp. 201-3. 

(21) This account of the choice of the 
Queen's advocates appears in a letter from 
Campeggio himself to Salviati dated Oct. 26, 
1528. 

(22) The editorship is not absolutely cer- 
tain, but the book represents Cranmer's idea 
of a collection of testimony for the King's 
side. Its date is probably 1 531, and its short 
title is Academiarum Censurae. 


IV 


HISPANIC NOTES 

i 



NOTES 


109 


(23) The full descriptive title is : Nonesse, 
neque divino neque naturae iure prohibitum, 
quin Summits Pontifex dispensare possit, ut 
frater sine liberis fratris uxorem legitimo 
matrimonio sibi possit adiungere, adversus 
aliquot Academiarum censuras tuviultuaria 
acperbrevis Apologia, sive confutatio, Liine- 
burg, 1532. 

(24) The de Initiis, Sectis, et Laudibus 
Philosophiae, was highly praised by J. J. 
Brucker (1767), who pointed out the modern 
method of Vives in writing this philosophical 
history. 

(25) Dr. C. Lecigne, in 1898, collected the 
views contained in seventeen treatises of 
Vives which deal with international questions 
chiefly of war and peace, under the title Quid 
de rebus ftoliticis censuit J. L. Vives. The 
dePacificatione was dedicated to the Spanish 
Alfonso Manriquez. One of the letters is 
addressed to D. Everard de la Marck, Arch- 
bishop of Valencia. 

(26) Ad animi exercitationeni in Deum 
Commentatiunculae, Antwerp, 1535. 




AND MONOGRAPHS 


IV 



C*«g. 



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K. 



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•\i 



A- &AjDUACA {.'tit^ 



TWO SIGNATURES OF JUAN LUIS VIVES 

1527 AND ? 1531 

From letters in the Rolls Office, London 



P. 111 



INDEX 


III 


INDEX 


i 


A 




PAGES 


I 


Academiarum censurae . . 93, 108 (note 22) 




See also Censurae. 




1 Age of Catharine of Aragon ' . . 64-80 


j 


Agricola, Rudolph 




. 10 




Aguirra, Pedro de 








• 37 




Alcala 








2, 10 




Alexander VI, pope 








. 12 


! 


Alhambra . 








3 




Alvar, Francisco . 








12 




Amiguet, Jeronimo 








12 




Andrelinus, Faustus 








• 2 7 




(de) Animi Tranqiiillitate 






. 28 




Antibarbaroriim liber (Erasmus) 




. 35 




Antonio de Lebrija (Antonius Nebrissensis) 




3, 10 , I2 




Antwerp . . . 29,42. 109 (note 26) 




Aragon .10 




Aristotle .... 




• 7i 




Arthur, Prince of Wales 




• 1 5 




Arts and nature . 




5 




Assembly of the Antiquaries 




. 48 




Atequa, George, bishop of Llandaff . . 94 




HISPANIC NOTES 


IV 



112 



IV 



LUIS VIVES 



B 

Bacon, Francis 

Badia, Pedro ...... 12 

Balbi, Girolamo . .... 27 

Barbosa, Arias . . . . . .10 

Basle 67 

Bejar, duke of 98 

Bembo, Cardinal ...... 10 

Berners, Lord 81 

Beroald, Philip 27 

Bible, the polyglot . . . . .11 

Blount, Charles ...... 41 

Blount, Walter, Lord Mountjoy . . -77 
Blount, William, Lord Mountjoy, grandson 

of Walter Blount. . . 36,58 

Body-guard for Princess Mary 
Bonilla y San Martin, Adolfo 
Bonneau, Alcide. 
Book of Hours (illuminated) 
Borgia, Francisco, duke of Gand 
Bost, Arnold de . 
Boutroux, Emile . 
Bradford, John . 
Brethren of the Common Life 
Brigittine Monastery of S3'on 
Bruges, 28, 29, 35, 36, 37, 41, 44, 51, 6r, 

94* 95, 97 ; Spanish in, 36. 
Brussels ....... 

Bucklersbury, where Erasmus visited More 

105 (note 10) 

Burgos 81 

Burrows, Montague ..... 75 

Burry, Pierre ...... 28 

Bussche, Vandcn . .... 23 



76 
69 
98 

70 

25 
97 

28 

7i 

I012 
27 

74 
76, 92, 

29 



HISPANIC NOTES 



INDEX 



Camden, William 

Campeggio, Cardinal . . . 90, 91 

Canterbury, the Augustinian Monastery 
Carrer de la taberna dell gall 
Castellar, Juan Dolz del 

Castile . 

Castro, Alvaro de . 50, 

Catharine (or Catalina) of Aragon, 1, 2, 4, 15 

35. 40, 41 > 43, 45' 5i, 56, 57, 64-80, 102 

103 ; education of, 3 ; becomes Queen 

consort, 15 ; as Spaniard, 16 ; her learning 

68 ; her Spanish household, 81 ; her fall 

81-95; at Windsor, 94; the 'More' 

Ampthill, Buckden, Kimbolton, 94 ; re 

garded by Vives as a ' saint ', 95 ; promoter 

of women's education, 107 (note 14). 

Celaya, Juan de . 

Censurae on divorce 

Cervantes .... 

Cervent, Clara 

Charles V .... 

Chelsea, 42 ; the Manor house 

description of, 52 
Christi Jesu Triuniphus . . . .29 
Chronicle of Henry VII I's reign . . .81 

Cicero 35, 71 

(cte) Civilitate Morum puerilium (Erasmus) 70,71 
(ae) Civitate Dei (St. Augustine) . 11, 37, 38 

Clement, John . . -54, 106 (note 12) 
Coat of arms (Vives) ..... 13 
Cognatus, Gilbertus, secretary of Erasmus . 49 

• 35 
. 35 



35: 

52; 



• s 9; 
57, 90 



Erasmus's 



Colon (Columbus), Cristobal 
Colon (Columbus), Fernando 



AND MONOGRAPHS 



"3 



IV 



ii4 



IV 



LUIS V I VE S 



Complutum (Alcala) . 

' Concord ' of Vives's parents 

Copernicus, Nicholas . 

Coroneles, the ...... 

Councillors for Catharine at divorce-trial . 
Court of Catharine, 66, 81 ; an academy, 67 



PAGES 

2 

105 (note n) 

• 3i 

01 



Court of Queen Elizabeth 
Court, English . 
Court of Greenwich . 
Court of Henry VIII . 
Court, the Legatine 
Court at Richmond 
Court, Spanish . 
Court ( = Tribunal) 
Cranmer, Thomas 
Cristobal, Francisco 
Croke, Richard . 
Cromwell, Gregory 



17, 61. 



3, 4: 



2, 65. 102 

78, 82, 84 

40, 44 

2, 51, 67 

• 8 7 



16, 51. 



D 



Democratic education 



Digon, the prior . . 

Disputations 

Dissolution of the Monasteries 

Divorce of Catharine . 

Don Ouichote 

Drew, tutor in More's house 



• 79 

• 3i 
. 46 

12, 18 
46, 77 
. 86 



54 



Education, English 17 

Education of women. See Women's education 
Educational merits of Vives . . .100 
Edward VI 64 



HISPANIC NOTES 



INDEX 


1*5 




PAGES 




Elizabeth, Queen. See Court of 






Elyot, Sir Thomas and Lady 


• 59 




English Private Prayers 




. 102 




Enzinas, Fernando de 




• 23 




Enzinas, Juan de . 




. 26 




Epictetus ..... 




• 7i 




Erasmus, Desiderius, 10, 33, 36, 37, 55 


59, 66 - 




67, 68, 72, 76 ; and disputations, ] 


9 ; his 




old Paris college, 23 ; his Moriae .Encomium, 




30, 31 ; his Antibarbarorum liber, 35 ; 


invited 




as Court Preceptor, 82. 






Exercitatio Linguae Latinae (Vives) 


6 




F 
Ferdinand, King ..... 


. 81 




Ferdinand and Isabella . . 1, 51 


, 56, 84 




Ferdinand, brother of Charles I . 


34, 67 








. 28 




Ficinus, Marsilius 




. 10 




Fiesole 




• 25 




Fisher, Bishop . 




59, 94 




Flanders ..... 




53, 103 




Flemish scholars .... 




27, 28 




Florentine banquets . 




. 26 




Fortis (or Sterck), John 




. 26 




Fortune, good and bad 




75, 7° 




Fox, Richard, bishop of Winchester 




• 43 




G 

Gaguin, Robert ..... 


. 28 




Generaliffi, the ..... 


3 




Geraldino, Alessandro 


• 3 




Geraldino, Antonio .... 


• 3 




AND MONOGRAPHS 


IV 



n6 


LUIS V I V E S 






PAGES 




Ghent . 


. 29 




Giggs, Margaret . 


• 57 




Giron, count of Ureua 


. 12 




Glamour of Renascence Spain 


1-17 




'Golden Age' of Henry VIII 


. . 84 




Gonell, William . 


• 54 




Gospels, the 


. 71 




Grammar (historical) . 


. 8 




Grammatica Castillana (1492) 


• 3 




Granada .... 


3. 12 




Guilford, Sir Harry 


. 81 




H 






Harrison, William 


. 65 




1 Harte ', misspelling for Hyrde 


. 42 




Healey, John, translation of Yivcs's edition 




of St. Augustine . 


104 (note 4) 




Henares, the river 


2 




Henry VIII, 1, 15, 38, 39, 42, 45, 


57, 64, 78, 83 ; 




his physical prowess, 82 ; 


knowledge of 




languages, classics, 83 ; his 


bonne camara- 




dene, 83 ; the two Henries, 85 ; and 




Spaniards, 81. 






Keywood, John . 


• 59 




History, of words 


. 8 




Hyrde, Richard, 41-3. 54. 55. 


65, 66; first 




writer on women's education 


in English, 55. 




I 
Iborra, Pedro .... 


. 25 




Imitatio Chrisli (a. Kempi'3) . 


. 72 




Inductive method 


• 5 




(In) psctdci-dialccticos . 


2 9, 30-33 




Institution of a C/irisfiau Woman 


56,65 


IV 


HISPANIC NOTES 



INDEX 


117 


PAGES 




(de) InstUutione Foeminae Christianae 




(Vives) . . . . 54, 1 06 (note 13} 




Introduction to Wisdom, Introductio adSapien- 




tiam (Vives) 71 




Irrigation Courts (Moorish) .... 9 




Isabella, Queen . . . 1, 3j 5 6 , 57 




Isleworth, Monastery of Syon at . . 75 




Isocrates : Areopagitica and Nicocles (trans- 




lated by Vives into Latin) . . -45 




Italian humanists ...... 73 




Italian Renascence ... 20, 25, 27 




Italians . . . . . . 3, 4, 10 




Italy 10 

J 

James I, el Conquistador . . . 8, 12 






Jimenez, Cardinal . . n, 104 (note 2) 




Joan, daughter of Isabella . . . • 57 




Joannius, Honoratus . . . . .98 




Jonson, Ben ; his Timber . ... 44 




K 




Kempis, Thomas a 27, 72 




Kingsley, Charles . . . . .80 

L 

Latin . . . 3, 8, 23, 29, 37, 39, 44, °5, 89 






Law, 4 ; and the vernacular, 8 




Laurinus, Marcus .... 36, 76 




Lax, Caspar . . . . 24, 25 




Lebrija, Antonio dc. See Antonio de Lcbrija. 




Lecigne, Dr. C 109 (note 25) 








(de) Libero Arbitrio (Free Will) (Erasmus) . 67 




AND MONOGRAPHS 


IV 



1 1 8 


LUIS VI V E S 




PAGES 




Liege, bishop of 7 




Lily, William 59 




Linacre, Thomas . . . . 41, 66 




Lodgings (of Vives) in London . . .50 




London, Vives in, 49-63, 88 ; its climate, 49 




Lord's Praj'er, commentary on, by Erasmus 55 




Louis de Flandre, Seigneur de Priiet . . 44 




Louvain . . 7, 11, 26. 28, 29, 35, 36, 98 




Loyola, Ignatius ...... 29 




Liineburg .... 94, 109, note 23 




Luther ....... 31 




Lydian stone 79 




M 




Majansius, Gregorius 43 




Manriquez, Alfonso . . . 109 (note 25 ) 




Mantua, court of. . . . . -25 




Manual workmen and dialectic . . .32 




March, Ausias ...... 14 




March, Blanca, Vives's mother . . . 13 




March, Enrique „ 4 




Marck, Everard de la . . 7, 49, 109 (note 25) 




Margaret, countess of Richmond . 106 (note 14 




Mary, the princess, 4r, 64, 66, 75, 82, 89 ; and 




Vives's Satcllitium. 82. 




(de) Matrimonio Christiano (Erasmus^ 




63, 106 (note 13^1 




Maurice, F. D. . . . . .80 




Mediaevalism .... 20, 56, 73 




Medicine . . . . . . . 4, 5 




Melanchthon (Schwarzerd), Philip . . 10 




Mercato, bishop of Avila . . . .12 




Merlin -47 




Miranda, Christopher 50 


IV 


HISPANIC NOTES 



INDEX 



PAGES 

Modern times . . . . . .73 

Moorish arts ...... 10 

Moors, the . . . . . . . 3, 4 

More, Sir Thomas, 49-63, 76, 77, 86, 103 ; and 
Wolsey, 34-48 ; his family, 54 ; daughters 
°f> 57> 68 (Margaret, Elizabeth, Cecilia) ; 
foreign correspondents, 58 ; his Utopia, 59, 
63 ; gatherings at Chelsea, 58, 59. 
Morison, Sir Richard ..... 70 

Mother tongue. See Vernacular. 

N 

' Nature-study ' 5 

Nebrissensis, Antonius. .Si* Antonio de Lebrija. 
New Testament (polyglot) . . . .11 
Nicholas, tutor in More's house . . . 54 

O 

(de) Officio Mariti (Vives) . . . .97 

Ognate ....... 12 

Old Testament (polyglot) . . . .11 

Oral instruction ...... 74 

Orvieto ....... 42 

Ossuna 12 

Oxford, 45, 49 ; All Souls College, 74, 77 : 

Brasenose College, 77 ; Corpus Christi Col 

lege, 43, 48. 

P 

Palsgrave, John 68 

Paris, 15, 30, 33, 87 ; the University of, 19, 20, 
23 ; Colleges : Sainte-Barbe, 23 ; Beauvais, 
23 ; Lyon, 23 ; Montaigu, 23 ; method of 
teaching, 23, 24. 



AND MONOGRAPHS 



119 



IV 



120 


LUIS VI VE S 






PAGES 




Parker, Matthew. 


. 48 




Peter Martyr 


3 




Philip II ... 


2 




Phoenicians, the . 


. 47 




Pico di Mirandola 


IC 




Pictas in More's School 


107 (note 16 




Pi etas litter ata . . .74, 


77, 80, 102, 103 




Pin y Soler, J 


28, 70 




Plato 


. 71,78 




Plaza de la Fruta (Valencia) 


. 6 




Plaza de las Verzas (Valencia) 


. 6 




Plutarch .... 


. 71 




Poblacion, Juan . ... 


4,26 




Pole, Reginald . 


. • 58 




Politian (Poliziano), Angelo 


. 10 




Ponte, Pierre de . 


. 28 




Poor-Relief, de Subvcntioue Pauf. 


erum 61-3 




Praise of Folly 


• 30 




Prayer before studies . 


• 73 




Precepts, educational . 


. 72 




Precepts, More's use of 


104 (note 3) 




Printing-press, introduction of . 


13, 74 




Puerta de los Apostoles Valencia 


) . • 9 




Q 






Quintilian . 


. 28 




R 






(de) Rebus Albionicis (J.Twyne) 


105 (note 9 N ' 




Renascence Age . 


i,56 




Renascence, Italian 


20, 25. 27 




Renascence, Spanish . . 1, 


4, 9, II, 13, 2C 




Reuchlin, Johann ' 


. IO 


IV 


HISPANIC NOTES 



INDEX 


121 




PAGES 




Richmond Palace 


• 75 




C Pd)fJ.T] ...... 


2 




Roper, Margaret 


55,68 




S 

Sadolet, Jacopo, bishop of Carpentras 


. 10 




San Aelia, Roderigo de 


12 




San Angel, Miguel de . 


. 26 




St. Agatha 


- 14 




St. Agnes, 14 ; church of, at Valencia 


- 4 










(Vives produced the first edited 


ext of his 




(de) Civitate Dei. See under that title.) 




St. Donatian (Convent of) . 


3 6 , 76 




St. Margaret 


. 14 




St. Monica 


• H 




Salamanca ..... 


10 




Salinas, Maria de, afterwards Lady Wilk 


mghby 94 




Salisbury, Countess of. 


• 58 




Sarinena . ... . . 


. 26 




Satellithim or Symbola (Vives) 


69, 75, 7° 




' School of More ' 


54, 65 




Schools, wrangling in . 


18, 19 




Segovia . . . . . 


. 23 




Seneca, 28, 35, 71 ; quotation from, 107 (note 15) 




Sense-impressions and disputations 


. 22 




Se villa. ..... 


10, 12, 36 




Shakespeare and sense-impression 


. 21 




Siculo, Lucio Marineo . 


• 3 




Siempre vivas .... 


• 13 




Sine querela (Vives's motto) 69, ic] 


(note 15) 




Spanish education of women 


• 57 




Spanish group at Paris 


. . 26 




Spanish intellectual reactionaries . 


23, 27 




AND MONOGRAPHS 


IV 



122 


LUIS V I V E S 




PAGES 




Spanish lecturers at Paris . . . .23 




Spanish Renascence . . 1, 4, 9, 11, 13, 20 




Spanish scholars . ... 10, 11 




Spanish schools ...... 12 




Spanish servitors of Catharine : Felipo, 




Bastian, Antonio ... . 94 




Spanish symposium at Paris . . 24, 25 




Spanish tradition ..... 1 




Speed, John 48 




Straneus, Juan Andres . . . .98 




Strickland, Miss ...... 3 




Sutton, Sir Richard ..... 77 




Symbola (Vives). See Satellitium. 




Syon, the Brigittine Monastery of 




74, 108 (note 19) 




T 




Talavera, archbishop of Granada. . . 12 




Taylor, Sir Henry (quoted) . . . .29 




Toledo ........ 12 




Tribunal de Aguas, Valencia ... 9 




Truth-seeking . . . 107-8 (note 17; 




Tunstall, Cuthbert . . . 36, 81 




Twyne,John .... 46,47,48 




Twyne, Lawrence . . . . .48 




Twyne, Thomas .... . . 48 




U 




Union of Aragon and Castile . . .10 




Urbino, Court of ..... 25 




Utopia, the (by Sir Thomas More) 




53, 80, 86, 106 (note 13) 


IV 


HISPANIC NOTES 



INDEX 



. 71 

Valdaura, Bernard . 29, 96, 104 (note 8) 

Valdaura, Margaret (Vives's wife) 29, 44, 96 

Valencia, 2, 4, 6, 9, 10, 30, 78, 87 ; etymology 
of, 2 ; flower-market and fruit-market, 6, 
22, 28 ; noble families, 6, 7 ; vegetable- 
seller, 6 ; churches, 6 ; fertility of, 7 ; 
huerta, the, 5, 22 ; beauty of the city, 7 ; 
people of, .7 ; the blind, dumb, afflicted, 5 ; 
the climate, 49 ; tribunal de Aguas at, 9 ; 
Puerta de los Apostoles, 9 ; first Spanish 
printing-press at, 13 ; School or Academy 
at, 11, 12, 20; Arabic culture, 28; Roman 
associations, 28 ; law-courts, 28 ; merchants' 
hall, 28. 
Valencia (archbishop of). See Marck, Everard 
de la. 

Valencia and Chelsea 53 

Valencian proverb . . . 105 (note 11) 

Valencians at Bruges ..... 98 
Valencian students at Paris . . . -25 

Valla, Laurentius 10 

Valladolid . . . . . . .23 

Vergara, Juan ...... 90 

Vernacular, the Spanish . . . . 8, 9 

Vitelli, Cornelio 27 

Vives, Juan Luis, 1, 2, 4, 6, 7, et passim ; in 
Valencia (1492-1509); Vives and the ver- 
nacular, 8 ; his mother, 13, 14, 105 (note 1 1); 
his father, 13 ; his coat of arms, 13 ; Vives, 
as Spaniard, 16; in France (1509-14), 18-33; 
a cosmopolitan, 15, 103 ; on disputations, 19 ; 
as sophist, 19 ; and enjoyment of Nature, 20 ; 
his sense-impressions as a child, 20 ; his 



AND MONOGRAPHS 



124 



LUIS V I VE S 



PAGES 

Vives, Juan Luis {continued) 

first book, 24 ; disillusioned as to war, 26 ; 
left Paris (1514 s !, 28; the second Quintilian, 
28 ; ' strain of French in ', 35 ; and intel- 
lectual liberty, 32 ; in Flanders (1514-23), 
40 ; his wife, 29 ; Henry VIII's promise to, 
39 ; befriended by More, 35 ; Spanish inter- 
nationalist, 40; lecturer on rhetoric at Ox- 
ford, 46 ; a ' polymath ', 45 ; a pioneer in 
British archaeology, 48 ; lodged near Tower 
of London, 49 ; life in London, 49-63 ; pro 
jeeted book on Spanish 'origins', 47 ; his 
one Spanish book written in London, 51 ; 
and the civic spirit, 62 ; on Poor-relief, 61- 
3 ; his concern for the good of the people, 
60; director of education for Catharine, 66; 
his motto, 'sine querela 1 , 69; at English 
Court, 82 ; in libera custodia, 88 ; his sense 
of confidence, 88; his loyalty to Catharine. 
87; letter on divorce to Henry VIII, 93; 
a treatise on the subject, 93 ; left England 
(1528), 96; in Flanders (1528-40), 96-103 ; 
held licences for importing wine, 97; first 
modern psychologist, 98 ; first modern his- 
torian of philosophy, 98; first to base educa 
tion on a psychology, 100 : his views sug- 
gestive of 'League of Nations', 99; his 
advice to the Queen. 91 ; named as advocate 
for Catharine. 91 ; loses his salaries from 
King and Queen, 92; ' cl gran Valcnciano ' , 
2, 103. 

Vives's Works. 
\(dc) Anima (1538) .... .98 

{(id) Animi exercitafionem in Deum Comrnen- 

tatiunculae (1535) . . . 109 (note 26) 



i\" 



HISPANIC NOTE S 



INDEX 



Vives, Juan Luis {continued) 

Christi Jesu Triumphus (written 1514) . 24 

(de) Concordia ct Discordia (1529) . . 99 

(de) Considtatione (1 523) . . . -44 

{de) Disciplinis (1531) . . . .24,99 

Divided into two parts — published together. 

(a) {de) Cansis Corruptarum Ariiuni . . 24 

(b) (de) Tradendis Disciplinis . . 54, 60 
Exercitatio Linguae Latinae (1538) . 99, 101 
(de) Initiis, Sectis et Laudibus Philosophiae 

(written 15 18) . . . 109 (note 24) 
Translation into Latin of 

Isocrates : Areopagitica and Nicocles (1523) 44 

(de) Institutione Foeminae Christianae (1523), 
The Instruction of a Christian Woman (be- 
tween 1523-8;, 41, 42, 50, 54, 56, 6o, 65. 

Introductio ad Sapientiam (1524), 69, 70: 
ordained for schools in Spain up to 1863, 70. 

(de) Officio Mariti (1528) / . . .51 

(de) Ratione Stud.i puerilis (1523), Plan of 

Girls' Education . . . . . 45 

(in) pseud j-dialecticos (1519), 24, 33, 60 ; extra- 
ordinary effect of, 33 

(de) Rebus Politicis, Vives' s political writ- 
ings ..... 109 (note 25) 

S. Augustine's (de) Civitate Dei, edited by 

Vives (1522) ..... 60, 83 

Satellitium or Symbola (1524) . 69, 75, 76 

(de) Subventione Pauperum (1526) (Poor- 
relief) ...... 61 

(de) Veritate Fidei Christianae (published 

1543) 99, IQI 

Vives de Vergel or Verger, Luis (father of 

Vives) . 13 



AND MONOGRAPHS 



135 



IV 



126 



IV 



LUIS V I V E S 



PAGES 

Vochius, the abbot 46 

Von Hefele 104 (note 2) 

W 

Wars of the Roses 85 

Whitford, Richard 76 

Willoughby, Lady. See Salinas. 

Wittenberg 31 

Wolsey, Cardinal, 35, 36, 87, gr, 92 ; gene- 
rosity of, 45. 
Women's education, 56, 61, 68, 78; Eliza- 
bethan, 64. 
Women's dress . . 53 

Wotton, Nicholas ..... 46 

Wordsworthian dictum (quoted) . . .21 



HISPANIC NOTES 



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